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GLOBAL ENGAGEMENT CENTER 2022年8月24日 概要：中华人民共和国（PRC）力图操纵和主导有关新疆的全球话语权，诋毁报道新疆维吾尔自治区内以穆斯林为主的维吾尔人及其他少数民族和宗教团体成员所遭受的种族灭绝和反人类罪行的独立媒体。 受PRC指使以及附属于PRC的行为体主导了一项协调行动，以宣扬北京有关新疆问题的惯用言论，压倒及边缘化批评PRC镇压维吾尔人的言词，并骚扰批评PRC的人士。 信息宣传策略：PRC的信息宣传策略试图让大量网络内容充斥国际信息环境，限制获取与北京官方口径相悖的内容，以及人为制造支持PRC政策的假象，以此来压倒批评声音。 信息宣传者使用复杂的人工智能生成的图像来伪造用户资料，以假乱真。 PRC通过实施数字化跨国镇压以及利用网络喷子和网络霸凌，来压制不同意见。 宣传话语重点：PRC的新疆宣传话语侧重于否认批评，放大“正能量故事”，以试图反驳对其种族灭绝和反人类罪行的指控。 最强势的PRC宣传人员往往采取攻势，制造与其他国家的有关行为错误对等的谬论，以转移国际社会对PRC行为的批评。 PRC宣传人员：PRC最具火药味的宣传人员是一些外交官员，他们以其发布对抗性信息而闻名。 此外，PRC及中共下属媒体在全球范围内用至少十几种语言传播与新疆有关的虚假信息。 为了达及全球受众并引起他们的共鸣，PRC转向私营媒体公司和多语种网络红人。 网络喷子带头攻击、挑起争论、侮辱及骚扰网民，以毒化信息环境，转移对批评PRC的言辞的注意力。

OTHER RELEASE GLOBAL ENGAGEMENT CENTER AUGUST 24, 2022   This report is also available in Arabic, Chinese, and French. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) actively attempts to manipulate and dominate global discourse on Xinjiang and to discredit independent sources reporting ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity conducted against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.  PRC-directed and -affiliated actors lead a coordinated effort to amplify Beijing’s preferred narratives on Xinjiang, to drown out and marginalize narratives that are critical of the PRC’s repression of Uyghurs, and to harass those critical of the PRC. PRC messaging tactics seek to drown out critical narratives by both flooding the international information environment to limit access to content that contradicts Beijing’s official line, and by creating an artificial appearance of support for PRC policies. Messengers use sophisticated A.I. -generated images to create the appearance of authenticity of fake user profiles.  The PRC works to silence dissent by engaging in digital transnational repression, trolling, and cyberbullying. The PRC floods conversations to drown out messages it perceives as unfavorable to its interests on search engines  and social media feeds, and to amplify Beijing’s preferred narratives on its treatment of Uyghurs.  Pro-PRC stakeholders flood information ecosystems with counternarratives, conspiracy theories, and unrelated news items to suppress narratives detailing PRC authorities’ atrocities in Xinjiang. Government social media accounts, PRC-affiliated media, private accounts, and bot clusters, likely all directed by PRC authorities, assist in this effort. To manipulate narratives on Xinjiang, pro-PRC actors engage in “astroturfing ,” or coordinated campaigns of inauthentic posts to create the illusion of widespread grassroots support for a policy, individual, or viewpoint, when no such widespread support exists.  Similar to flooding, the PRC uses astroturfing to inundate the information space with “positive stories ” about Xinjiang and the Uyghur population, including manufactured depictions of Uyghurs living “simple happy lives,” as well as posts emphasizing the purported economic gains that the PRC’s policies have brought to Xinjiang.  In mid-2021, more than 300 pro-PRC inauthentic accounts posted thousands of videos of Uyghurs seeming to deny abuse in the region and claiming they were “very free.” These videos claimed to show widespread disagreement throughout Xinjiang with claims in international media that Uyghurs were oppressed.  However, according to the New York Times  and ProPublica , propaganda officials in Xinjiang created most of these videos, which first appeared on PRC-based platforms and then spread to YouTube and Twitter, in order to manipulate public opinion. Since at least January 2021 , pro-PRC networks have used advanced artificial intelligence-generated content, such as StyleGAN machine-learning  generated images, to fabricate realistic-looking profile pictures for their inauthentic accounts.  Unlike stolen images of real people, these tools create composite images that cannot be traced using a reverse image search, making it harder to determine whether the account is inauthentic.  Some of these accounts repeatedly denied the PRC’s atrocities in Xinjiang, falsely asserting that the body of overwhelming and objective independent evidence of the atrocities is simply a fabrication of the United States and its allies. PRC-sponsored transnational repression targets those who speak out against the PRC, particularly in Chinese diaspora communities , with on- and offline harassment to prevent them from sharing their stories or to intimidate them into self-censorship. Trolling campaigns are designed to silence  those who speak out against the PRC, to poison the information environment with bad-faith arguments, and to silence opposing viewpoints.  Trolling campaigns frequently evolve into threats of death, rape, or assault; malicious cyber-attacks; and cyberbullying or harassment through doxxing  – publishing an individual’s personal information online without their permission, including their full name, home address, or job.  In March 2021, the PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) publicly questioned  several individuals’ claims of maltreatment. PRC Xinjiang narratives focus on denying criticism and amplifying “positive stories” in an attempt to counter accusations of genocide and crimes against humanity.  The most aggressive PRC messengers often go on the offensive, creating false equivalencies with the actions of other countries to distract from international criticism of PRC behavior. PRC messengers both post and amplify content that denies claims made by independent media outlets and internationally renowned think tanks.  In response to third-party accusations  that the PRC subjects Uyghurs to forced  labor , a wave of PRC diplomatic  accounts , PRC- and Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-affiliated media  organizations , and suspected bot  networks  posted stories about the mechanized  cotton harvesting process in Xinjiang, suggesting that the Xinjiang cotton industry has no need for forced labor.  This messaging avoided responding to reports regarding the PRC authorities’ transfer of an estimated 100,000 Uyghurs out of Xinjiang in “coercive labor placements ” to work in factories elsewhere in the PRC. PRC actors use hashtags such as #AmazingXinjiang and #Xinjiang to amplify positive stories about Xinjiang and counter independent reporting of allegations of crimes against humanity and genocide by PRC authorities.  Stories of a multicultural society  living in harmony  stand in contrast to the reality of the PRC’s extensive surveillance  of Uyghurs, including PRC officials living  in Uyghur homes for at least six weeks a year.  This messaging aims to divert attention from reports regarding the PRC’s “demographic engineering ” campaign to systematically increase  the Han Chinese population in Xinjiang and to “dilute ” Uyghur population concentrations  in the region. PRC actors, including voluble diplomats in the MFA’s Information Department use “whataboutism” and false equivalencies  to distract from the PRC’s policies in Xinjiang and to portray accusers as hypocritical .  Their arguments do not advance the case that the PRC is innocent; rather, they make the point that other countries are equally guilty of abuses.  Despite these efforts to distract from the situation in Xinjiang, independent media outlets, academics, and human rights activists have published multiple eyewitness accounts and verifiable data that the PRC has imprisoned  an estimated one million people  and that credible evidence exists of torture , forced  sterilization , and other abuses. The PRC’s most aggressive messengers are  a subset of PRC diplomatic officials known for their confrontational messaging.  Additionally, PRC- and CCP-affiliated media spread Xinjiang-related disinformation on a global scale in at least a dozen languages.  To reach and resonate with global audiences, the PRC turns to private media companies and multilingual social media influencers.  Trolls take the lead on attacking, stirring controversies, insulting, and harassing netizens to poison the information environment and distract from narratives critical of the PRC. Most of the PRC’s diplomatic social media messaging is positive and tends to focus on highlighting good relations with other countries and seeks to burnish the PRC’s image. A minority  of MFA officials – dubbed “wolf warriors ” by some commentators – use social media platforms to defend the PRC’s national interests, often in confrontational ways .  These individuals are most likely to try to deny, “disprove,” and deflect narratives that run counter to PRC official messaging.  For example, to distract from the atrocities in Xinjiang, PRC messengers spread a false narrative  claiming that the CIA was trying to foment unrest  in Xinjiang in order to bring down the PRC.  This aggressive style allows the PRC to experiment with different types of messaging to see what plays well at home and abroad.  For example, some MFA officials’ accounts repeatedly spread disinformation and conspiracy theories  regarding the origin  of the virus  that causes COVID-19 and about Russia’s unjustified and unprovoked war  against Ukraine. PRC- and CCP-affiliated media outlets like China Global Television Network, China Daily, China Radio International, and Xinhua produce content in at least 12 languages and devote significant resources to advertising on social media.  In February 2021, facing growing international scrutiny over the PRC’s genocide in Xinjiang, Xinhua released a “fact sheet ” containing numerous false claims, such as stating that the internment camps holding Uyghurs in Xinjiang are “vocational education and training centers”’ that have “fully guaranteed the trainees’ personal freedom and dignity.” However, detainees’ testimonies published by Amnesty International  allege that the PRC subjected them to regular interrogation, torture, and other mistreatment. The PRC partners with foreign media to republish both PRC-produced and PRC-backed content to local audiences, giving Beijing’s chosen narratives a level of authority and credibility they would not be able to achieve on their own.  For example, Kenya Broadcasting Corporation ran a story by an anonymous author in November 2019 on the PRC’s “poverty alleviation ” policy in Xinjiang, causing observers to question its validity  and whether it was PRC propaganda. The PRC outsources and privatizes  some of its foreign language information operations to take advantage of private sector innovation.  The PRC government engages with at least 90 PRC-based firms to design foreign-facing information manipulation campaigns to portray the PRC positively.  For example, a publishing organization operated by the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Bureau of Radio, Film and Television and affiliated with the CCP’s United Front Work Department paid a marketing company  to create videos depicting Uyghurs supporting the PRC government, which a network of inauthentic accounts then amplified on Twitter and YouTube. Inauthentic networks  of bots as well as real accounts that tweet and retweet PRC-approved narratives flood the information space and support astroturfing campaigns.  One network of accounts posts information denying  atrocities in Xinjiang or accusing “the West” of hypocrisy and another, larger network of accounts amplifies it through retweets and reposting.  Stanford University’s Internet Observatory Cyber Policy Center assesses that the PRC’s English-language inauthentic networks have not been successful  at gaining traction among foreign audiences. PRC authorities believe social media influencers can help to push PRC messaging to shape local information environments due to their relatability and authenticity.  CCP planners seek to adapt how they reach younger media consumers globally and are designing foreign propaganda to be more “youthful” and viral while strictly adhering to political “red lines .” In June 2021, Shen Haixiong, the head of state-run China Media Group – which falls under the direction of the CCP’s Propaganda Department – promoted  the use of “multilingual internet celebrity studios ” to enhance the PRC’s image in key regions.  Analytics firm Miburo Solutions identified more than 200 third-country influencers  affiliated with PRC state media creating social media content in at least 38 languages, including English, Spanish, French, Arabic, and Russian with an average reach of 309,000 followers.  Miburo found that the PRC uses influencers to advance its narratives regarding Xinjiang by obscuring state media employees’ affiliations and by orchestrating pro-PRC Western influencers’ tours of Xinjiang. Internet trolls mainly working under the auspices of the People’s Liberation Army, the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, or the Communist Youth League directly attack critics online.  According to the French Military School Strategic Research Institute , PRC trolls’ tactics include defending the PRC, attacking and trying to discredit critics, feeding controversies, insulting, and harassing.  The PRC’s Cyberspace Affairs Commission and Central Propaganda Department directly employ an estimated two million people nationwide in this capacity and another 20 million working as part-time “network civilization volunteers .”  These forces target the PRC’s domestic audience and Chinese-speaking diaspora communities.  In response to the Hong Kong protests  in 2019, the PRC started to invest more in influencing users of U.S.-based platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube, as well as international platforms, such as VKontakte and Telegram.  In 2021, cybersecurity firm FireEye’s Mandiant Threat Intelligence arm  and Google’s Threat Analysis Group identified elements of an ongoing PRC-backed information operation  that targeted a range of issues, including Xinjiang, in various languages across 30 social media platforms and 40 websites.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年5月23日   今天，日本和美国申明了一个比其历史上任何时期都更牢固、更深入的伙伴关系。以我们的共同价值观作为指导、以我们对民主和法治的共同承诺作为基础、以我们两国经济的创新和技术活力作为激励，并以我们两国间深远的民间联系作为根基，日本与美国的关系是一个自由与开放的印太地区（Indo-Pacific）的基石。 本着这种精神，日本首相岸田文雄欢迎约瑟夫·拜登作为美国总统首次访问日本。拜登总统称赞了岸田首相的全球领导作用，包括在日–澳–印–美（四方）峰会中发挥的作用。 作为全球合作伙伴，日本和美国申明基于规则的国际秩序是不可分割的；对任何地方的国际法以及自由和公平的经济秩序的威胁对我们每个地方的价值观和利益都构成了挑战。岸田首相和拜登总统一致认为，当前对这一秩序的最严重的挑战是俄罗斯对乌克兰发动的残酷、无端、无理的侵略。两位领导人谴责了俄罗斯的行动，并要求对俄罗斯的暴行追究罪责。他们重申了对乌克兰的主权和领土完整的支持。首相和总统强调了国际社会团结一致的重要意义，并表示同乌克兰人民团结一心，通过制裁措施应对俄罗斯的入侵，其中包括与志同道合的国家共同采取的金融制裁、出口管制及其他步骤，迫使俄罗斯付出长期经济代价。 两位领导人一致认为，联合国构成了基于规则的国际秩序的基础，植根于《联合国宪章》所阐明的共同的原则和普世价值观，其中包括对人权的尊重。两位领导人称赞了空前的全球团结，体现于联合国成员国谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略并中止它在联合国人权理事会的资格。两位领导人认识到联合国安理会负有代表成员国维护国际和平与安全的首要职责，表达了对于俄罗斯作为一个常任理事国的不负责任的行为及其滥用否决权的深重关切，特别是俄罗斯企图逃避对另一个成员国发动侵略的责任。两位领导人表达了增强联合国并鼓励所有成员国重新致力于维护载入《联合国宪章》的神圣愿景和价值观的决心。两位领导人还表示有必要增强这个多边机制并使之现代化，让它能够更好地应对21世纪的种种挑战。 拜登总统重申了对日本在一个经过改革的安理会担任常任理事国的支持，以及对身为多边合作的重要倡导者并希望获得常任席位的其他国家的支持。两位领导人还强调了在民主国家以及志同道合的伙伴之间增强协作的重要意义，以便有效地应对它们所面临的种种挑战。 推动一个“自由与开放的印太地区” 尽管欧洲正在经历危机，但两位领导人仍重申印太地区是一个对全球和平、安全和繁荣至关重要的地区——而且还是一个面临着针对基于规则的国际秩序的日益严重的战略挑战的地区。岸田首相和拜登总统从这个立场出发，承诺采取行动以推动他们对一个自由与开放的印太地区的共同愿景。岸田首相对美国的《印太战略》表示欢迎。拜登总统强调了美国对该地区毫不动摇的承诺，并强调指出他的战略将得到应有的资源及稳步执行。两位领导人对该地区支持我们的共同愿景的日益生机勃勃的、多层次的、互联互通的架构表示欢迎；他们申明了东盟的团结性及中心性的重要意义，并强调了四方伙伴关系、澳–英–美（AUKUS）三国伙伴关系以及其他多边论坛的重要工作。他们还强调了同欧洲和加拿大等在其他地区的志同道合的伙伴进行合作的重要意义。 区域性问题：应对一个越来越具挑战性的区域性安全环境 岸田首相和拜登总统敦促中国采取与国际社会一致的立场，明确谴责俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动。他们讨论了中国持续做出的不符合基于规则的国际秩序的行为，其中包括利用经济及其他手段进行胁迫。注意到中国的正在增强的核能力，两位领导人要求中国为降低核风险、提高透明度及推动核裁军的各种安排尽一份力。他们还同意共同努力增强威慑力，以维护该地区的和平与稳定。两位领导人坚决反对任何试图改变东中国海现状的单边行为，并重申他们坚决反对中国的非法海事声索、将填海建造的岛礁军事化以及在南中国海的胁迫性活动；他们强调了对于法治的坚定承诺，其中包括符合《联合国海洋法公约》（UN Convention on the Law of the Sea）的航行和飞越的自由。岸田首相和拜登总统阐明了他们在台湾问题上的基本立场保持不变，并重申了台湾海峡两岸的和平与稳定作为国际社会的安全与繁荣的一个必不可少的要素的重要性。他们鼓励和平解决海峡两岸问题。两位领导人对最近中华人民共和国与所罗门群岛达成的安全协议表示关切，该协议是以一种不透明的方式达成的，没有回应该地区关切的声音。岸田首相和拜登总统还对香港的局势发展以及新疆维吾尔自治区的人权问题共同表示了严重的、持续的关切。他们强调了同中国进行坦诚沟通的重要性，包括在国家领导人一级的沟通，并表示有意在可能的情况下就存在共同利益的领域同中国合作。 岸田首相和拜登总统对大韩民国新政府就职表示欢迎，并强调了日本、美国和韩国之间的密切联系与合作的至关重要的意义，其中包括安全联系。两位领导人谴责了朝鲜进一步从事核及导弹开发活动，其中包括其最近发射洲际弹道导弹的活动。他们重申了根据联合国安理会有关决议在朝鲜半岛完全去核化的承诺，并敦促朝鲜遵守根据这些决议所承担的义务。两位领导人重申了美国对立即解决绑架问题的承诺。两位领导人表示支持对朝鲜采取一种精准的外交方针，并敦促它参与严肃的持续性对话。 岸田首相和拜登总统谴责了缅甸的政变以及缅甸军方对平民的残暴攻击，并承诺继续采取行动，要求立即停止暴力、释放所有被非法关押的人、在全国范围内让人道主义渠道畅通无阻并立即回归民主。 两位领导人对俄罗斯军队在日本周围的活动增多表示关切，并承诺继续关注中国与俄罗斯在军事事务中的合作。 日美同盟：加强威慑和反应能力 两位领导人重新承诺加强联盟的威慑和反应能力。岸田首相坚定地表示将审视所有必要的国防方案，包括反击导弹威胁的能力。岸田首相表述了他将从根本上巩固日本防务能力和为做到这一点增加所需防务预算的决心。拜登总统对岸田首相的决心给予大力支持。 拜登总统重申了根据《共同合作与安全条约》（Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security）美国对日本防务的承诺，并以包括核能力在内的全方位能力作后盾；双方领导人重申，准备通过同盟协调机制（Alliance Coordination Mechanism）确保针对局势发展的各阶段进行全面的双边协调。两位领导人明确表示，确保美国延伸威慑的可靠性和复原力极其重要。他们重申了增进双方关于延伸威慑的讨论的重要性，包括通过安全磋商委员会（Security Consultative Committee）和延伸威胁对话（Extended Deterrence Dialogue）。总统重申，条约第五条适用于尖阁列岛（Senkaku Islands），两位领导人并且重申反对任何试图破坏日本长期以来对尖阁列岛的管理的单边行动。两位领导人决定加快在网络和太空领域以及新兴技术方面的合作。双方共同认为，网络安全和信息安全构成紧密同盟合作的基础，并且将继续是我们合作的一个焦点。两位领导人表示决心继续将同盟关系现代化，发展双边角色和使命，增强共同能力，包括使战略和重点目标协调一致。 岸田首相和拜登总统明确表示，有意深化在第三国家进行联合演习和能力建设的合作，包括通过日本和美国海岸警卫队的合作；两位领导人对签署美国海岸警卫队和日本海上保安厅之间的《合作备忘录》（Memorandum of Cooperation）附件表示欢迎。 两位领导人证实，正在对驻日美军稳步实施重新调整，包括将在边野古（Henoko）建造普天间替代设施（Futenma Replacement Facility）并将其作为避免继续使用普天间海军陆战队航空基地（MCAS Futenma）的唯一方案，在马毛岛（Mageshima）开发舰载机陆上训练设施（Field Carrier Landing Practice Facility），以及将美国海军陆战队部队从冲绳迁到关岛。 实现更具复原力、可持续性和包容性的经济增长 两位领导人讨论了进一步保障我们共同繁荣的机会。他们针对有魄力的经济政策的重要性交换了意见，包括岸田首相的“新形式资本主义”和拜登总统的自下而上和中产勃发建设计划，以促进技术进步，同时认识到这些进步必须惠及所有群体，减少不公平，并加强两国的中产阶层。两位领导人还表示，日本和美国决心在解决世界面临的最显著挑战方面承担积极角色——无论是新技术的兴起，气候变化的影响，还是像传染病这样的跨国威胁。 两位领导人确认，日本和美国将协同保护和促进关键性技术，包括通过出口管制，支持各自的竞争优势，以及确保供应链的复原力。他们一致同意成立一个联合特别工作组，以被纳入《日本–美国商务和产业合作关系》（Japan-U.S. Commercial and Industrial Partnership）的《半导体合作基本原则》（Basic Principles on Semiconductor Cooperation）为基础，探索下一代半导体开发。拜登总统提到，日本国会通过的经济安全促进法案（Economic Security Promotion Bill）着力于供应链的复原力，根本性基础设施的保护，技术开发以及保护专利申请。两位领导人同意探索加强经济安全的更多合作。 两位领导人称赞了迄今为止根据去年宣布的“竞争力与复原力伙伴关系”（Competitiveness and Resilience (CoRe) Partnership ）所进行的工作，并表示准备在2022年7月举行日本–美国经济政策磋商委员会（Japan-U.S. Economic Policy Consultative Committee [Economic “2+2”]）部长级会议。 岸田首相对拜登总统的印太经济框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework）表示支持，两位领导人对印太经济框架伙伴启动了针对未来磋商的讨论表示欢迎。 两位领导人指出了基于自由和公平的经济规则的多边贸易体制的重要性，并确认他们将密切合作，通过像七国集团(G7)、20国集团（G20）、世贸组织（WTO）和欧洲经合发组织等（OECD）国际框架，解决非市场政策与规范以及与多边贸易体制相悖的经济胁迫问题。他们还对最近在双边和多边贸易问题上取得的进展，以及推进包括数字贸易和打击强迫劳动在内的一些领域中的密切合作表示欢迎。双方领导人重申，制止使用强迫劳工是不可推卸的道义和经济责任，并且同意为此共同努力，他们指出，非常有必要为尊重供应链人权的商企提高可预见性和形成有利的环境。 岸田首相和拜登总统重申落实《20国集团优质基建投资原则》（G20 Principles for Quality Infrastructure Investment）的重要性，并且确认他们将与7国集团和地区伙伴合作，进一步推动满足全球基础设施需要的努力。他们重申必须促进《20国集团共同框架》（G20 Common Framework）中规定的债务可持续性和透明性。两位领导人还强调了公平和公开借贷方式的重要性。他们重申了国际承认的规则与标准对信贷大国有重要意义。 两位领导人对国际社会最近为保障受到俄罗斯入侵乌克兰威胁的能源和食品供应的稳定做出的努力表示欢迎。岸田首相强调了美国液化天然气对缓解全球供应紧缩发挥的重大作用，并且欢迎美国产业对增加石油和天然气生产的投资。两位领导人也对建立日美清洁能源和能源安全倡议计划（Japan-U.S. Clean Energy and Energy Security Initiative）表示欢迎，以期实现能源安全和净零排放的双重目标。他们确认，将致力于对能源和食品安全作出双边和多边努力，并与包括国际能源署（International Energy Agency）在内的国际机构合作，提倡清洁能源，减少能源供应受干扰造成的影响，尤其是对发展中国家。基于G7国家作出的减少依赖俄罗斯能源的承诺，两位领导人共同表示有意探索一项倡议，以便向亚洲合作伙伴提供支持，加强他们的能源安全。 岸田首相和拜登总统欢迎日本作出承诺，将采取一切可行措施，到2030年把对生物乙醇的需求加倍，包括用于可持续性航空燃料和路面燃料，从而减少对进口石油的依赖。 他们还共同谈到必须对关键矿物的供应链加强复原力和多元性，并且提高在这个领域中的环境、社会和管理标准。 两位领导人赞扬了日本和美国在太空合作领域的深厚传统。他们宣布了在阿耳忒弥斯（Artemis）计划上的合作进展，包括重申我们共同准备让一名日本宇航员参加门户（Gateway）太空站和载人及机器人月球着陆使命。两位领导人致力于在2022年完成有关《框架协议与实施门户安排》（Framework Agreement and the Implementing Arrangement for Gateway）合作的谈判。 全球挑战：在新时代保障人类安全 岸田首相和拜登总统确认，他们将通过持续合作战胜新冠肺炎危机并加强卫生安全，以预防、准备和应对未来的流行病，包括借助于四方伙伴关系（Quad）、新冠肺炎全球行动计划、以及20国集团金融与卫生论坛等框架。两位领导人确认通过新冠疫苗全球获取机制（COVAX）以及“最后一英里支持计划”提供支持，以增进公平获取疫苗，同时在治疗、检测和加强卫生系统方面开展合作。他们还确认需要加强全球卫生架构，包括改革世卫组织，在世界银行设立新的疫情防范和全球健康保障基金，加强财政和卫生当局之间的协调安排，以实现全民健康覆盖。 两位领导人对日美在癌症治疗方面的联合研究取得进一步进展表示欢迎，并欢迎更新《谅解备忘录》以促成这种合作。拜登总统强调了日本国家癌症中心自 2017 年以来在促进“癌症登月计划”（Cancer Moonshot program）下的国际合作方面发挥的作用，并强调了美国对发展该计划的承诺。 岸田首相和拜登总统认识到气候危机对人类生存的威胁，并承诺使 2020 年代成为气候行动的决定性十年。他们表示，两国将着力满足当今能源需求，同时通过实施《巴黎协定》下雄心勃勃的 2030 年国家自主贡献和 2050 年净零排放目标努力实现长期能源安全。为了实现这些目标，两位领导人确认了他们在日美气候伙伴关系下加强合作的意图。 两位领导人认识到核能作为无碳电力和工艺热的关键和可靠来源的重要性。为此，他们承诺加强核能合作，并通过共同使用促进出口和能力建设工具加快先进和小型模块化反应堆的开发和全球部署。两位领导人还同意共同努力，为现有反应堆和新反应堆创建更具复原力的核供应链，包括铀燃料。 岸田首相和拜登总统重申了他们共同努力建设一个没有核武器的世界的意图。他们特别承诺加强《不扩散核武器条约》并把它作为国际核不扩散和核裁军机制的基石。岸田首相指出了在应对安全挑战的同时推进现实的核裁军措施的重要性，拜登总统表示同意。两位领导人欢迎最近在核安全合作方面取得的进展，包括将东京大学“弥生”研究堆和其他日本研究堆的所有高浓缩铀（HEU）燃料运往美国，进一步实现了最大限度地减少全球高浓铀库存的共同目标。 岸田首相和拜登总统认识到，鉴于新冠肺炎疫情，促进性别平等比以往任何时候都更加重要，他们一致认为，无论性别认同如何，确保所有人都能充分发挥其潜力在道德上和战略上都具有必要性，对社会和经济的各个方面都至关重要。两位领导人还强调了预防和消除性暴力的重要性，包括武装冲突导致的性暴力。 人文交流：创建支持“自由和开放的印太地区”的多元化和包容性网络” 两位领导人强调了为推动建设“自由和开放的印太地区”培养下一代领导人并就此进行相互交流与合作的重要性。他们同意恢复和促进各种交流，包括通过留学项目； JET 计划； “桥梁”（Kakehashi）项目和“朋友”（Tomodachi）倡议；以及研究人员和企业人员之间的研究与合作项目，例如曼斯菲尔德研究员计划（Mansfield Fellowship Program）和日本基金会（Japan Foundation）的研究员计划。岸田首相表示，他打算加强先进技术、气候变化和灾害管理等领域专业人员和企业人员之间的交流，并以冲绳、广岛和长崎为重点实施“桥梁”项目。两位领导人还对日裔美国人的历史、贡献和文化遗产表示敬意，并同意让下一代身为日裔美国人的领导者参与未来的日美合作。两位领导人还重申了美日文化教育交流会议在人文交流中的作用。 构建面向未来的日美关系 作为两个最大的民主经济体，日本和美国负有独特的义务来支持民主价值观、规范和原则，并推进确保和平、繁荣和自由的未来愿景。岸田首相和拜登总统共同承担了这一责任。他们肯定了建立志同道合的伙伴联盟以推进这一共同愿景的重要性，并指出日本将担任七国集团主席，美国将在 2023 年主持召开亚太经合组织会议。   欲查看原稿内容：https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/05/23/japan-u-s-joint-leaders-statement-strengthening-the-free-and-open-international-order/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

MAY 23, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES Today, Japan and the United States affirm a partnership that is stronger and deeper than at any time in its history. Guided by our shared values; anchored by our common commitment to democracy and the rule of law; inspired by the innovation and technological dynamism of our economies; and rooted in the deep people-to-people ties between our countries, the Japan-U.S relationship is the cornerstone of a free and open Indo-Pacific region. It is in this spirit that Prime Minister of Japan KISHIDA Fumio welcomed Joseph R. Biden, Jr to Japan in his first visit as President of the United States. President Biden commended Prime Minister Kishida’s global leadership, including in the Japan-Australia-India-U.S. (Quad) Summit meeting. As global partners, Japan and the United States affirm that the rules- based international order is indivisible; threats to international law and the free and fair economic order anywhere constitute a challenge to our values and interests everywhere. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden shared the view that the greatest immediate challenge to this order is Russia’s brutal, unprovoked, and unjustified aggression against Ukraine. The two leaders condemned Russia’s actions, and called for Russia to be held accountable for its atrocities. They reaffirmed their support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Prime Minister and the President underscored the importance of the international community’s unity, and expressed solidarity with the Ukrainian people in responding to Russia’s aggression through sanctions, including financial sanctions, export controls, and other steps, taken with like-minded countries to impose long-lasting economic costs on Russia. The two leaders shared the view that the United Nations (U.N.) forms the foundation of the rules-based international order, grounded in shared principles and universal values articulated in the U.N. Charter, including respect for human rights. Both commended the unprecedented global unity demonstrated by U.N. Member States in condemning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and suspending it from the U.N. Human Rights Council. Recognizing that the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security on behalf of the Member States, the two leaders expressed deep concern about Russia’s irresponsible behavior as a Permanent Member and its abuse of the veto, particularly Russia’s attempt to shield itself from accountability for its aggression against another Member State. The two leaders expressed a determination to strengthen the United Nations and to encourage all Member States to recommit to the vision and values enshrined in the U.N. Charter. Both expressed the need to strengthen and modernize the multilateral system to better enable it to meet the challenges of the 21st century. President Biden reiterated support for Japan’s permanent membership on a reformed Security Council, and for other countries who are important champions of multilateral cooperation and aspire to permanent seats. The two leaders also stressed the importance of strengthening coordination among democracies and like-minded partners to effectively address the challenges they face. Advancing a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” Notwithstanding the ongoing crisis in Europe, the two leaders reaffirmed that the Indo-Pacific is a region of vital importance to global peace, security, and prosperity – and one that faces mounting strategic challenges to the rules-based international order. From this standpoint, Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden committed to action to advance their shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific region. Prime Minister Kishida welcomed the U.S. “Indo-Pacific Strategy.” President Biden emphasized unwavering U.S. commitment to the region, and underscored that his strategy will be matched with resources and steady implementation. The two leaders welcomed the increasingly vibrant, multilayered, and interconnected architecture in the region that supports our common vision; they affirmed the importance of ASEAN unity and centrality, and highlighted the important work of the Quad, AUKUS, and other multilateral fora. They also underscored the importance of cooperation with like-minded partners in other regions, such as Europe and Canada. Regional Issues: Responding to an Increasingly Challenging Regional Security Environment Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden called on China to stand with the international community and unequivocally condemn Russia’s actions in Ukraine. They discussed continuing actions by China that are inconsistent with the international rules-based order, including coercion by economic and other means. Noting China’s ongoing increase in its nuclear capabilities, the two leaders requested China to contribute to arrangements that reduce nuclear risks, increase transparency, and advance nuclear disarmament. They also concurred to work together to strengthen deterrence to maintain peace and stability in the region. The two leaders strongly opposed any unilateral attempts to change the status quo in the East China Sea, and reiterated their strong opposition to China’s unlawful maritime claims, militarization of reclaimed features, and coercive activities in the South China Sea; they emphasized their firm commitment to the rule of law, including the freedom of navigation and overflight, consistent with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden stated that their basic positions on Taiwan remain unchanged, and reiterated the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait as an indispensable element in security and prosperity in the international community. They encouraged the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues. Both leaders voiced concern over the recent PRC-Solomon Islands security agreement, which was concluded in a non-transparent manner without addressing regional voices of concern. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden also shared serious and ongoing concerns regarding developments in Hong Kong and human rights issues in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. They underscored the importance of candid communication with China, including at the leader level, and expressed the intent to work with China where possible on areas of common interest. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden welcomed the inauguration of the new government of the Republic of Korea (ROK), and stressed the critical importance of close ties and cooperation among Japan, the United States, and the ROK, including security ties. The two leaders condemned North Korea’s advancing nuclear and missile development activities, including its recent ICBM launches. They reaffirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula in accordance with UNSC resolutions, and urged North Korea to abide by its obligations under these resolutions. The two leaders reaffirmed U.S. commitment to the immediate resolution of the abductions issue. Both leaders expressed support for a calibrated diplomatic approach to North Korea, and called for its engagement in serious and sustained dialogue. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden condemned the coup in Myanmar and the Myanmar military’s brutal attacks on civilians, and committed to continue taking action to press for the immediate cessation of violence, the release of all those who are wrongfully detained, unfettered countrywide humanitarian access, and a swift return to democracy. The two leaders expressed concern about the increasing activities of Russian military forces around Japan, and committed to remain attentive to cooperation between China and Russia in military affairs. The Japan-U.S. Alliance: Strengthening Deterrence and Response Capabilities The two leaders renewed their commitment to strengthening the deterrence and response capabilities of the Alliance. Prime Minister Kishida expressed his resolve to examine all options necessary for national defense, including capabilities to counter missile threats. Prime Minister Kishida stated his determination to fundamentally reinforce Japan’s defense capabilities and secure substantial increase of its defense budget needed to effect it. President Biden strongly supported Prime Minister Kishida’s determination. President Biden reiterated the U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, backed by the full range of capabilities, including nuclear; the leaders reaffirmed their intent to ensure full bilateral coordination through the Alliance Coordination Mechanism throughout every phase of a developing situation. The two leaders affirmed the critical importance of ensuring that U.S. extended deterrence remains credible and resilient. They reiterated the significance of enhancing bilateral discussions on extended deterrence, including through the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) and the Extended Deterrence Dialogue. The President reaffirmed that Article V of the Treaty applies to the Senkaku Islands, and the two leaders reiterated their opposition to any unilateral action that seeks to undermine Japan’s longstanding administration of the Senkaku Islands. The two leaders decided to accelerate cooperation in the cyber and space domains as well as in the field of emerging technologies. They shared the view that cyber security and information security form the foundation of close alliance cooperation, and will remain a continuous focus of our collaboration. The two leaders expressed their determination to continually modernize the Alliance, evolve bilateral roles and missions, and strengthen joint capabilities including by aligning strategies and prioritizing goals together. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden affirmed their intent to deepen cooperation on joint training and capacity building in third countries, including through cooperation by the Japan and U.S. Coast Guards; the two leaders welcomed the signing of annexes to the Memorandum of Cooperation between the U.S. Coast Guard and the Japan Coast Guard. The two leaders confirmed the steady implementation of the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, including the construction of the Futenma Replacement Facility at Henoko as the only solution that avoids the continued use of MCAS Futenma, development of the Field Carrier Landing Practice Facility at Mageshima, and the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps units from Okinawa to Guam. Achieving More Resilient, Sustainable and Inclusive Economic Growth The two leaders discussed opportunities to further secure our shared prosperity. They exchanged perspectives on the importance of bold economic policies, including Prime Minister Kishida’s “new form of capitalism” and President Biden’s plan to build from the bottom up and the middle out, that promote technological advances while recognizing that the benefits of such progress must accrue to all communities, reduce inequality, and strengthen the middle-class in both nations. The two leaders also expressed their determination that Japan and the United States play an active role in addressing the challenges most salient for the global community – whether the emergence of new technologies, the impact of climate change, or transnational threats such as infectious disease. The two leaders confirmed that Japan and the United States will collaborate in protecting and promoting critical technologies, including through the use of export controls, supporting their respective competitive advantages and ensuring supply chain resilience. They concurred on establishing a joint task force to explore the development of next generation semiconductors, based on “the Basic Principles on Semiconductor Cooperation” adopted in the Japan-U.S. Commercial and Industrial Partnership (JUCIP). President Biden noted the Japanese Diet’s approval of the Economic Security Promotion Bill, with its focus on supply chain resilience, essential infrastructure protection, technology development and the protection of patent applications. The two leaders concurred in exploring further cooperation to strengthen economic security. The two leaders applauded the work to date under the Competitiveness and Resilience (CoRe) Partnership announced last year, and expressed their intention to hold the Japan-U.S. Economic Policy Consultative Committee (the Economic “2+2”) at the Ministerial level in July 2022. Prime Minister Kishida expressed his support for President Biden’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), and the two leaders welcomed the launch of discussions among IPEF partners toward future negotiations. The two leaders recognized the importance of a multilateral trading system based on free and fair economic rules, and confirmed that they will work closely together, through international frameworks such as the G7, G20, WTO, and OECD, to address non-market policies and practices as well as economic coercion, that are incompatible with the multilateral trading system. They also welcomed the recent progress made on bilateral and multilateral trade issues as well as in advancing close cooperation in such areas as digital trade and combatting forced labor. Both leaders reaffirmed the moral and economic imperative of ending the use of forced labor and concurred in working together, recognizing the importance of enhancing predictability and fostering an enabling environment for businesses that respect human rights in their supply chains. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden reaffirmed the importance of implementing the “G20 Principles for Quality Infrastructure Investment” and confirmed that they will further promote efforts to meet global infrastructure needs, in cooperation with the G7 and regional partners. They reiterated the importance of promoting debt sustainability and transparency under the G20 Common Framework. The two leaders also stressed the importance of fair and open lending practices. They reiterated the importance of internationally recognized rules and standards for major creditor countries. The two leaders welcomed recent efforts by the international community to secure stable energy and food supplies, which are threatened by the impact of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Prime Minister Kishida emphasized the significant role U.S. Liquid Natural Gas plays in alleviating global supply constraints and welcomed investment by U.S. industry to increase oil and natural gas production. The two leaders also welcomed the establishment of Japan-U.S. Clean Energy and Energy Security Initiative (CEESI) to achieve both energy security and net-zero emissions. They confirmed their commitment to work bilaterally and multilaterally on energy and food security, and to cooperate with international organizations such as the International Energy Agency to promote clean energy and mitigate the impact of the disruption in energy supplies, especially on developing countries. Building on the G7 countries’ commitment to reduce dependence on Russian energy, the two leaders shared their intention to explore an initiative to provide Asian partners with support for strengthening their energy security. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden welcomed Japan’s commitment to take all available measures to double demand for bioethanol, including for sustainable aviation fuel and on-road fuel, by 2030 to reduce dependence on imported petroleum. They also shared the need to strengthen resilient and diverse supply chains of critical minerals and to elevate environmental, social, and governance standards in the sector. The two leaders celebrated the deep tradition of space cooperation between Japan and the United States. They announced progress in collaboration on the Artemis program, including reaffirming our shared intention to include a Japanese astronaut on Gateway and on human and robotic lunar surface missions. Both leaders committed to conclude negotiations on the Framework Agreement and the Implementing Arrangement for Gateway cooperation in 2022. Global Challenges: Realizing Human Security in a New Era Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden confirmed that they will continue cooperating to overcome the COVID-19 crisis and strengthen health security to prevent, prepare for, and respond to future pandemics, including through frameworks such as the Quad, the COVID-19 Global Action Plan, and the G20 Finance and Health fora. The two leaders confirmed support through COVAX, as well as for “last one mile support” programs to increase equitable access to vaccines, while working together on therapeutics, testing, and strengthening health systems. They also confirmed the need to strengthen the global health architecture, including by reforming the WHO, establishing a new pandemic preparedness and global health security fund at the World Bank, strengthening coordination arrangements between finance and health authorities, with a view to achieving universal health coverage. The two leaders welcomed further progress in Japan-U.S. joint research on cancer cures and treatment, and welcomed the renewal of the Memoranda of Understanding enabling this cooperation. President Biden highlighted the role of the National Cancer Center of Japan in promoting international collaborations under the Cancer Moonshot program since 2017, and underscored that U.S. commitment to growing that initiative. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden recognized the existential threat of the climate crisis, and committed to making the 2020s the decisive decade for climate action. They affirmed their intent to meet today’s energy demands while working toward long-term energy security by implementing ambitious 2030 nationally determined contributions under the Paris Agreement and 2050 net zero emission goals. In service of these goals, the two leaders affirmed their intent to enhance cooperation under the Japan US Climate Partnership. The two leaders recognized the importance of nuclear energy as a critical and reliable source of carbon-free electricity and process heat. To this end, they committed to greater nuclear energy collaboration and to accelerating the development and global deployment of advanced and small modular reactors by jointly using export promotion and capacity building tools. The two leaders also concurred to work together to create more resilient nuclear supply chains, including uranium fuel, for both existing and new reactors. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden reaffirmed their intent to work together toward a world without nuclear weapons. In particular, they affirmed their commitment to strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as the cornerstone of the international nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime. Prime Minister Kishida noted the importance of advancing realistic measures on nuclear disarmament, while addressing security challenges, and President Biden agreed. The two leaders welcomed recent progress in cooperation on nuclear security, including the removal of all highly enriched uranium (HEU) fuel from the University of Tokyo research reactor “Yayoi” and other Japanese research reactors to the United States, furthering their mutual goal of minimizing worldwide stocks of HEU. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden, recognizing that the pandemic has made promoting gender equity more important than ever, concurred that ensuring that all people, regardless of gender identity, can achieve their full potential is both a moral and strategic imperative, critical to every aspect of society and the economy. The two leaders also emphasized the importance of preventing and addressing gender-based violence, including conflict-related sexual violence. People-to-People Exchange: Creating Diverse and Inclusive Networks that Support a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” The two leaders underscored the importance of mutual exchange and collaboration, to foster the next generation of leaders that will advance a “free and open Indo-Pacific.” They concurred to resume and boost various exchanges, including through study abroad programs; the JET Programme; the Kakehashi Project and the Tomodachi Initiative; and fellowships and collaborative projects among researchers and practitioners such as the Mansfield Fellowship Program and those of the Japan Foundation. Prime Minister Kishida expressed his intention to boost exchanges among professionals and practitioners in areas such as advanced technologies, climate change and disaster management and implement Kakehashi with an emphasis on Okinawa, Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The two leaders also paid tribute to the history, contributions and cultural heritage of Japanese Americans and concurred to engage next generation Japanese American leaders in the future Japan-U.S. cooperation. The two leaders also reaffirmed the role of the U.S.-Japan Conference on Cultural and Educational Interchange in people-to-people exchange. Toward Building a Future-Oriented Japan-U.S. Relationship As the two largest democratic economies, Japan and the United States have a unique obligation to support democratic values, norms, and principles, and to advance a vision for the future in which peace, prosperity, and freedom are ensured. Prime Minister Kishida and President Biden together embraced this responsibility. They affirmed the importance of building a coalition of likeminded partners to advance this shared vision, noting that Japan will chair the G7 and the United States will host APEC in 2023. ###

2023年7月2日   华盛顿—美国财政部长珍妮特·L·耶伦将于7月6日至9日访问中华人民共和国北京，与中华人民共和国的高级官员会晤。   耶伦部长的访问遵循拜登总统在去年11月与习主席会晤后发出的指示，即加深美国和中华人民共和国在一系列问题上的沟通，包括全球宏观经济和金融发展。在北京期间，耶伦部长将与中华人民共和国官员讨论我们两国——作为世界上最大的两个经济体——负责任地管理我们的关系、就关切的领域直接沟通、并共同应对全球挑战的重要性。   在4月的一次演讲中，耶伦部长阐述了指导美国与中华人民共和国经济关系的三项原则。由于我们史上强劲的复苏和拜登政府对美国生产能力的投资，美国对我们的长期经济实力充满信心。首先，我们寻求确保我们的国家安全利益和我们盟友的国家安全利益，并通过有针对性的行动保护人权，这些行动不是为了获得经济优势。第二，我们寻求与中国建立健康的经济关系，促进互利的增长和创新，为美国劳动者和企业扩大经济机会。最后，我们还寻求在气候变化和债务困扰等紧迫的全球挑战方面进行合作。   耶伦部长行程的其他细节将在晚些时候宣布。   https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy1588

WASHINGTON – Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen will travel to Beijing, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from July 6-9 for meetings with senior PRC officials. Secretary Yellen’s travel follows President Biden’s directive after his meeting with President Xi last November to deepen communication between the U.S. and the PRC on a range of issues, including on the global macroeconomy and financial developments. While in Beijing, Secretary Yellen will discuss with PRC officials the importance for our countries – as the world’s two largest economies – to responsibly manage our relationship, communicate directly about areas of concern, and work together to address global challenges. In an April speech, Secretary Yellen laid out three principles guiding America’s economic relationship with the PRC. The United States proceeds with confidence in our long-term economic strength thanks to our historically strong recovery and the investments the Biden Administration is making in America’s productive capacity. First, we seek to secure our national security interests along with those of our allies and to protect human rights through targeted actions that are not intended to gain economic advantage. Second, we seek a healthy economic relationship with China that fosters mutually beneficial growth and innovation and expands economic opportunity for American workers and businesses. Finally, we also seek to cooperate on urgent global challenges like climate change and debt distress. Additional details of Secretary Yellen’s travel will be announced at a later date. ###

The United States Trade Representative Logo 美国贸易代表办公室 供立即发布 2019年9月20日 美国与中国副部级贸易会谈的声明 9月19日及20日，来自美国和中国的副部级谈判代表于华盛顿特区会面，继续目标在于改善两国之间贸易关系的讨论。这些讨论是有成效的，美国期待着欢迎来自中国的代表团，于十月进行牵头人级别会议

Office of the United States Trade Representative FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE September 20, 2019 On September 19 and 20, deputy-level negotiators from the United States and China met in Washington, D.C. to continue discussions aimed at improving the trade relationship between the two countries. These discussions were productive, and the United States looks forward to welcoming a delegation from China for principal-level meetings in October. ###

2020年9月16日 东部夏令时间下午2:43 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥，国务卿 华盛顿DC 本·富兰克林厅 ***** 蓬佩奥国务卿：我们还讨论了中国共产党给世界带来的挑战，以及这个党给中国人民带来的挑战。 我们都在克服中国共产党允许从武汉传播出来的病毒。但是，当我们都在恢复的时候，中国共产党在国外的咄咄逼人和在国内的侵犯行为却变得更加严重。 我们赞赏英国政府近几个月来为应对中国挑战所采取的措施。包括这些出色的工作：为香港人民发声并为他们中的许多人提供庇护，大声疾呼在新疆的镇压，并在逐步淘汰不受信任的设备的同时禁用华为。 我知道，英国和美国将始终站在一起捍卫自由。 *****

REMARKS TO THE PRESS MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE BEN FRANKLIN ROOM WASHINGTON, D.C. SEPTEMBER 16, 2020 SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  It’s a pleasure to be with you again, Dom, Foreign Secretary Raab, back here in – to have you back here in Washington.  Our Special Relationship, now a couple hundred years old, is stronger than ever.  And I hope you feel right here at home, as I do when I travel to visit you in the United Kingdom. We had good conversations back in July in London, and then had the chance to see you on a quick pass through Jerusalem as well.  And today’s meetings were just as productive. I’m particularly pleased with the status of the U.S.-UK free trade negotiations.  Dominic and I are cheering everyone on and driving these to what I anticipate to be a successful conclusion before too long.  The fourth round started now a little over a week ago, and I think our teams are working diligently to make good progress on that important mission. We also discussed the challenges presented to the world by the Chinese Communist Party, and the challenges that that same party presents to the people of China. We’re all overcoming the virus that the CCP allowed out of Wuhan.  But while we’re all recovering, the party’s aggression abroad and abuses at home have gotten even worse. We appreciate the steps that the British Government has taken to face the China challenge in recent months.  That includes remarkable work speaking up for the people of Hong Kong and offering many of them refuge, calling out repression in Xinjiang, and banning Huawei while working to phase out untrusted equipment. The United Kingdom and the United States I know will always stand together in the defense of freedom. Turning to Russia, we had a chance to chat.  We stand together in condemning the confirmed poisoning of Alexei Navalny.  Any use of chemical weapons is unacceptable under any circumstances.  That was true two years ago after the attack with a chemical nerve agent in Salisbury, and it’s true today in this instance as well.  Foreign Secretary Raab and I joined our G7 counterparts to call on Russia to be fully transparent, and we reiterate that call now. We also discussed the need for every nation – especially Russia – to respect the sovereignty of Belarus.  The Belarusians protesting what were falsified election results are truly inspiring to all of us.  The brutality against them must stop.  And the authorities should release – indeed, they must release U.S. citizen Vitali Shkliarov, who has been wrongly detained. We’re coordinating, too, with the United Kingdom on our – and our European allies on sanctions and on ensuring the spotlight remains on the legitimate aspirations of the Belarusian people. We also had the chance to speak about the United States principled refusal to allow the Islamic Republic of Iran to have access to weapons on October 19th, just a month from now.  They remain the world’s largest state sponsor of terrorism, and we don’t believe that them being able to trade in weapons of war with impunity is remotely acceptable. We will return to the United Nations to reimpose sanctions so that the arms embargo will become permanent next week.  We believe deeply that this is good for the peoples of all nations. Look, the arms embargo is just one example of how we’re working in the Middle East and how the Trump administration has approached this.  It was a great day yesterday.  I thank you for your kind words about that, Dominic.  It was very special to watch those three nations together normalize their relationships. These historic events show what’s possible when people of goodwill work towards achieving peace. That’s the essence of our relationship as well, and I know that it always will be. Thank you, Mr. Foreign Secretary.  I invite you to make your remarks. FOREIGN SECRETARY RAAB:  Well, good afternoon, everyone.  And can I just thank you, Secretary of State.  It’s always a pleasure, Mike, to be back in Washington, and there’s a lot going on, from Hong Kong to Libya.  I always come away from these meetings with a really reinforced sense of just the length and breadth of the work that we’re doing together, and our two countries and administrations are doing together, both in terms of the scale and range, but also the value that it adds as a force for good in the world. No two countries do more together to further the peace – cause of peace and security, to advance democracy, or indeed, to alleviate poverty.  And at a time when the world faces the huge challenge of a global pandemic, Mike and I are always looking with our teams to find new ways to work closely together for all of the shared values and interests that we prize so highly. Mike and I had a good discussion today on a range of issues.  I also was very pleased to meet with USAID officials following the UK merger of our Department for Development with the Foreign Office, the new Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office.  So we’re keen to work even closer with you right across the foreign policy board, and I look in particular in that regard to working more closely with the U.S. in Africa, given the challenges there. Mike and I discussed, as he’s already said, the poisoning of Alexei Navalny.  That remains a major concern.  We welcome the progress towards his recovery and our thoughts remain very much with him and his family. In the UK, as Mike said, we’ve seen firsthand the impact and the consequences of a Novichok attack when the Russian intelligence officers used it in an assassination attempt in Salisbury back in 2018.  Needless to say, the use of a banned chemical weapon violates the Chemical Weapons Convention.  There must be accountability for it, and we’ll work with all of our allies to that effect, and I think the Russian Government is duty-bound to explain what happened to Mr. Navalny through a full and transparent investigation.  I have to say from the UK’s point of view, very difficult to see any plausible alternative explanation to this being carried out by the Russian intelligence services, but certainly the Russian Government has a case to answer. Mike and I also discussed how we intend to work with our partners to support Germany to ensure justice is done.  We need to work within the OPCW on the issues of attribution and accountability.  And I can say that the UK will not shrink from that. We also discussed Iran.  I think we absolutely agree that Iran must never be – never be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon.  We also, I think, share the view that the diplomatic door is open to Iran to negotiate a peaceful way forward.  That decision, that choice is there for the leadership in Tehran to take. On the Middle East peace process, we discussed the normalization between Israel and the various Arab states, and a huge tribute to American leadership with the agreements that were celebrated here yesterday.  We fully support the agreements between the UAE and Bahrain with Israel, and again, I want to pay particular tribute to Mike’s work and what – Mike’s work and Jared Kushner’s work.  These are really important steps towards a more peaceful and prosperous Middle East. We also believe it’s an opportunity for dialogue between the Israelis and the Palestinians.  I think that will be ultimately necessary for an enduring two-state solution.  So we had a good discussion on all of that. Mike and I also talked about Belarus, where we, as Mike’s already said, share the view that the excessive violence used by the Belarusian authorities as well as its systematic targeting of opposition leaders is completely unacceptable – completely unacceptable.  The UK will be pressing with the U.S. and with our partners for an investigation within the OSCE into both the vote rigging of the election but also the assaults on the freedoms and the human rights abuses perpetrated against the protesters.  At the same time, we’re doubling our support to the independent media, the civil society, the human rights organizations active in Belarus, with an extra 1.5 million pounds over the next two years. We also talked about our shared concerns on Xinjiang and Hong Kong, the people of which are suffering very serious human rights abuses.  We urge China to live up to its international obligations, and it is absolutely crucial that the freedoms of the people and the autonomy of Hong Kong are respective – respected in full, and we’ll be watching very carefully not just for the enactment but the application of the national security legislation and how that plays out in the weeks and months ahead.  China must also end the egregious human rights violations against the Uyghur population in Xinjiang. Finally, we discussed progress on our free trade agreement negotiations since we last met and the importance of a clean and resilient economic recovery from COVID-19.  Like Mike, we’re willing on the negotiators.  I think there’s huge opportunity for a win-win deal and we’re confident that we can – we can get that. As we prepare for our G7 presidency next year, I just want to thank our American friends for their stewardship so far this year.  Under your leadership, Mike, the G7 nations have committed to do whatever is necessary to ensure a strong and coordinated global response to COVID-19.  That shared commitment will remain our guiding principle as we prepare to take up the presidency in January.  And come what may, I know that the transatlantic alliance will continue to be not just the bedrock of UK foreign policy but also an even stronger force for good in these uncertain times. So, Mike, thanks very much. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you very much, Dominic. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay.  We’re going to take a few questions now.  We’ll start with Arshad Mohammed from Reuters. QUESTION:  Secretary Pompeo, what is the practical effect of insisting that snapback has occurred if virtually no other countries, including Great Britain, concur with your legal interpretation and refuse to implement it.  Why is this not a paper victory but a practical defeat, and what, if anything, can the United States do to punish countries that do not re-enact the sanctions that you assert will be restored this weekend?  Are you considering secondary sanctions against allies like Great Britain to get them to comply? And Foreign Secretary Raab, the E3 made very clear in its August 20th statement that it couldn’t support the United States in snapback.  One, how are you going to respond when it happens this weekend?  Two, do you foresee any significant economic effect on Britain or Europe?  And three, what are you going to do if the United States chooses to threaten the UK and Europe with secondary sanctions for a failure to comply with a snapback that you don’t believe has occurred? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So – no, the – you suggested that somehow this was a diplomatic failure.  It could be that there was a diplomatic failure.  That occurred in 2015 when this agreement was entered into.  That’s where – that was the failure.  This set a course for a very short time period, five years – and we’re coming up on that now – which would allow the world’s largest state sponsor of terror to once again have arms and traffic in arms and create wealth from the sale of arms. The good news is the one thing that the previous administration got right is they created a provision where under UN Security Council Resolution 2231 any one of the nations identified there had the right to say we want the sanctions that were in place prior to this – that moment to snap back, and that’s what we’ll do.  I think the President said it – told the American people in a speech in 2015, he said, look, we don’t need any other country to go along with us.  When we conclude this no longer makes sense that these provisions will snap back.  There were no conditions, there was nothing else that had to happen, it was just simply the case that any one of those nations had the right to snap back sanctions.  That’s what we will do. As for the actions that we’ll take, we’ll – the UN will take the sanctions that it always does.  These will be valid UN Security Council resolutions and the United States will do what it always does, it will do its share as part of the – its responsibilities to enable peace, this time in the Middle East.  We’ll do all the things we need to do to ensure that those sanctions are enforced. I remember when I became Secretary of State when the United States made the decision with respect to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.  There were those who said that American sanctions would not be successful.  I think anyone who has stared at the state of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s financial situation today – the fact that they can no longer have the resources to underwrite Hizballah and the Shia militias in all of the places that they have spent money for nefarious activities over all of these years – those resources are greatly reduced; their capacity to inflict harm around the world is greatly reduced.  I think we’ve been very successful in spite of what the world said would happen if we made the decision the President made rightly back in May of 2018. FOREIGN SECRETARY RAAB:  Well look, from the UK’s point of view, we share the U.S. concerns about Iran and the Iranian threat both on the nuclear side of things but also the wider destabilizing activities in the region.  I think the UK’s position on the JCPOA is well known and the reasons for that are well known.  But we’ve always welcomed U.S. and indeed other efforts to broaden it.  We don’t think the JCPOA is perfect by any stretch of the imagination.  It should be broadened.  Our ambition for a broader rapprochement, a more comprehensive deal is I think in exactly the same place as the U.S.  And frankly all of the other issues, the means by which we get there, there may be shades of difference, but we always manage them as constructively as we have to this point. MR SWIFT:  Can we have Ron Brown of the BBC, please. QUESTION:  Hello.  Ron Brown, BBC News.  Secretary of State, what was your reaction when you heard the UK’s Northern Ireland secretary tell MPs at Westminster that the UK’s – the UK Government’s actions to lay the groundwork to break its agreement with the European Union, quote, “does break international law?”  Do you still trust the UK or does this reduce the chances, do you think, of a trade deal with the U.S.?  And would the U.S. administration ever seek to bypass Congress if it stands in the way of any deal? And to the UK Foreign Secretary, if I may, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other members of Congress have been very outspoken in their criticism of the UK Government’s decision to reopen the Brexit withdrawal agreement.  Do you think, Mr. Raab, you’ve jeopardized the chances of striking a trade deal with the U.S.?  Why should anyone trust the UK now?  And how much damage have you done to the UK’s reputation both here and around the world?  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’d rather take that question than the first one.  Look, yes, we trust the United Kingdom.  They’ll – I am confident they’ll get it right.  We’ve made clear the – our view of the importance of the Good Friday Agreements.  We know the complexity of the situation.  We’ve done what we can to provide assistance where we can.  In the end, this will be a set of decisions with respect to this that the United Kingdom makes, and I’m – have great confidence that they will get this right in a way that treats everyone fairly and gets a good outcome for what it was the people of the United Kingdom voted for now several years back. FOREIGN SECRETARY RAAB:  Thanks.  Look, from the UK’s point of view, I’ve had very positive discussions not just with Mike and the administration but also with congressmen and women from both sides of the political aisle, if I can put it that way.  We continue to discuss and I’ll see Nancy Pelosi later.  I think it’s a great opportunity for me to be clear that the threat to the Good Friday Agreement in the – as it’s reflected in the Northern Ireland Protocol has come from the EU’s politicization of the issue and to be clear on how that’s happened and why that’s happened.  Our commitment to the Good Friday Agreement and to avoid any extra infrastructure at the border between the north and the south is absolute.  We’ve made that and I’ve had conversations well before the issue of the internal market bill has come up on the Hill with Senate and House leaders and figures. And just to be absolutely clear – I think this comes across from the further safeguards that have been prepared in relation to the bill – the UK action here is defensive in relation to what the EU is doing.  It is precautionary; we haven’t done any of this yet.  And it is proportionate.  But what we can’t have is – and this is contrary to the Northern Ireland Protocol and of course a risk to the Good Friday Agreement – what we cannot have is the EU seeking to erect a regulatory border down the Irish Sea between Northern Ireland and Britain.  And I’ve had really good conversations and I think it’s helpful to be able to explain that point of view. MS ORTAGUS:  Thank you, everyone. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you.  Thank you, Dominic.  Great to see you. FOREIGN SECRETARY RAAB:  Great to see you.

简报：美国与非洲促进非洲双向贸易和投资的伙伴关系 白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年12月14日  非洲融入全球市场、人口激增以及蓬勃整个大陆的创业和创新精神为美国投资非洲未来提供了难得的宝贵机会。美国将支持和促进动员民间资本推动经济增长、创造就业机会，并将更为积极地参与打造非洲未来。企业和政府领导人将共同加强有利于贸易和投资的环境，包括推动所有部门制定和实施有效政策及措施，为非洲和美国人民找到和开创新的机遇。通过“全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment，PGII)和“繁荣非洲”(Prosper Africa)等倡议，美国将提供及时和协调的支持，来满足企业和投资者的需求，包括微型、中小型企业和侨民以及女性拥有的企业的需求，以推进基础设施建设的优先项目，并促进双向贸易和投资。 2021年以来，美国政府已经帮助47个非洲国家完成了800多笔双向贸易和投资交易，总值估计超过180亿美元，美国私营部门在非洲达成了价值86亿美元的投资协议。2021年，美国与非洲的商品和服务贸易总额为836亿美元。这些投资和项目都在支持“全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系”、“繁荣非洲”和“电力非洲”（Power Africa）等总体倡议。 在今天的美国-非洲商业论坛（U.S.-Africa Business Forum）上，拜登总统宣布了对非超过150亿美元的双向贸易和投资承诺、协议和伙伴关系，以推进关键优先事项，包括可持续能源、卫生保健系统、农业综合企业、数字连网、基础设施和金融。自2021年1月以来，拜登-哈里斯政府在非洲的贸易、投资和经济发展方面已投入和计划投入超过10亿美元。 美国政府各部门和机构宣布了新的举措和投资，以促进美非双向贸易和投资，其中包括： ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/14/fact-sheet-u-s-africa-partnership-in-promoting-two-way-trade-and-investment-in-africa/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET: U.S- Africa Partnership in Promoting Two-Way Trade and Investment in Africa The White House Washington, D.C. December 14, 2022   Africa’s integration into global markets, demographic boom, and continent-wide spirit of entrepreneurship and innovation present an extraordinary opportunity for the United States to invest in Africa’s future.  The United States will support and facilitate mobilizing private capital to fuel economic growth, job creation, and greater U.S. participation in Africa’s future.  Together, business and government leaders will strengthen trade- and investment-enabling environments, including fostering the development and implementation of effective policies and practices across all sectors, and identify and promote new opportunities for Africans and Americans.  Through initiatives such as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) and Prosper Africa, the United States will provide timely, coordinated support that meets the needs of businesses and investors, including micro-, small- and medium-sized enterprises and diaspora- and women-owned businesses, to advance infrastructure priorities and boost two-way trade and investment. Since 2021, the U.S. Government has helped close more than 800 two-way trade and investment deals across 47 African countries for a total estimated value of over $18 billion, and the U.S. private sector has closed investment deals in Africa valued at $8.6 billion.  U.S. goods and services traded with Africa totaled $83.6 billion in 2021.  These investments and programs are in support of the umbrella initiatives PGII, Prosper Africa, and Power Africa. At today’s U.S.-Africa Business Forum, President Biden announced over $15 billion in two-way trade and investment commitments, deals, and partnerships that advance key priorities, including sustainable energy, health systems, agribusiness, digital connectivity, infrastructure, and finance.  Since January 2021, the Biden-Harris Administration has invested and plans to invest more than $1 billion in trade, investment, and economic development in Africa. Departments and Agencies across the U.S. Government announced new initiatives and investments to promote two-way trade and investment: ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 7月 14日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 欢迎英国决定禁止华为进入5G网络 我们欢迎有关英国计划禁止华为进入未来5G网络并分阶段从现有网络中移除不可信赖的华为设备的消息。英国的这项决定使英国加入世界各地越来越多的国家的行列，为捍卫本国的国家安全禁止使用不可信赖的高风险承包方。我们将继续与我们的英国朋友大力促进安全和生机勃勃的5G生态系统。这对于跨大西洋的安全与繁荣至关重要。 目前要求保障5G安全的趋势正在走强。英国已加入捷克共和国、丹麦、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚、波兰、罗马尼亚和瑞典等民主政体的行列，禁止华为进入未来的5G网络。印度Jio 公司、澳大利亚 Telstra公司、韩国 SK 和KT公司 、日本 NTT 公司等清洁的运营商还禁止在自身网络中使用华为的设备。 各国必须能够确信5G设备和软件不会对国家安全、经济安全、隐私、知识产权或人权造成威胁。

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release July 14, 2020 STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO Welcoming the United Kingdom Decision to Prohibit Huawei from 5G Networks We welcome news that the United Kingdom plans to ban Huawei from future 5G networks and phase out untrusted Huawei equipment from existing networks. With this decision, the UK joins a growing list of countries from around the world that are standing up for their national security by prohibiting the use of untrusted, high-risk vendors. We will continue to work with our British friends on fostering a secure and vibrant 5G ecosystem, which is critical to Transatlantic security and prosperity.   The momentum in favor of secure 5G is building. The UK joins democracies such as the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, Romania, and Sweden in banning Huawei from future 5G networks. Clean carriers like Jio in India, Telstra in Australia, SK and KT in South Korea, NTT in Japan, and others have also prohibited the use of Huawei equipment in their networks.  Countries need to be able to trust that 5G equipment and software will not threaten national security, economic security, privacy, intellectual property, or human rights.

关于进一步限制性经济措施的联合声明 2022年2月26日 我们，欧盟委员会、法国、德国、意大利、英国、加拿大和美国的领导人，谴责普京发动本不必打的战争以及对乌克兰主权国家和人民的攻击。我们与乌克兰政府和乌克兰人民站在一起，支持他们英勇抵抗俄罗斯入侵的努力。俄罗斯的战争是对我们坚定捍卫的自第二次世界大战以来通行的基本国际规则和规范的攻击。我们将对俄罗斯追责，并共同确保这场战争是普京的战略失败。 在过去的这一周，我们除了为保卫我们自己的边界和协助乌克兰政府和人民的斗争作出外交努力和共同工作之外，我们以及我们在世界各地的其他盟友和伙伴对俄罗斯的关键机构和银行，以及包括俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京在内的这场战争的主谋施加了严厉的措施。 随着俄罗斯军队对基辅和其他乌克兰城市发动攻击，我们决心继续让俄罗斯付出代价，这将使俄罗斯进一步孤立于国际金融体系和我们的经济体之外。我们将在未来数日内实施这些措施。 具体而言，我们承诺采取以下措施： 首先，我们承诺确保将选定的俄罗斯银行从SWIFT通讯系统中移除。这将确保这些银行同国际金融体系脱离，并使其在全球运作的能力受损。 其次，我们承诺采取限制性措施，防止俄罗斯中央银行以破坏我们制裁效果的方式部署其国际储备。 第三，我们承诺针对那些为乌克兰战争和俄罗斯政府有害活动提供便利的个人和实体采取行动。具体而言，我们承诺采取措施限制出售公民身份，即所谓的“黄金护照”，这让那些与俄罗斯政府有联系的俄罗斯富人成为我们国家的公民并获得进入我们金融体系的机会。 第四，我们承诺在接下来的这周启动一个跨大西洋特别工作组，通过查明和冻结受制裁个人和公司在我们司法管辖范围内的资产，确保我们各项金融制裁的有效实施。作为这项工作的一部分，我们致力于对更多的俄罗斯官员和与俄罗斯政府关系密切的权势人物、他们的家人、还有助长他们行为的人采取制裁措施与其他金融和执法措施，查明和冻结他们在我们司法管辖范围内持有的资产。我们还将与其他政府共同努力查明和瓦解非法所得的转移，让这些人失去在全球各地的司法管辖范围内隐藏其财产的能力。 最后，我们将加强协调打击虚假信息和其他形式的混合战争。 在这个黑暗的时刻，我们与乌克兰人民站在一起。除了我们今天宣布的措施之外，我们已准备好采取进一步措施，以追究俄罗斯攻击乌克兰的责任。

We, the leaders of the European Commission, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States condemn Putin’s war of choice and attacks on the sovereign nation and people of Ukraine. We stand with the Ukrainian government and the Ukrainian people in their heroic efforts to resist Russia’s invasion. Russia’s war represents an assault on fundamental international rules and norms that have prevailed since the Second World War, which we are committed to defending. We will hold Russia to account and collectively ensure that this war is a strategic failure for Putin. This past week, alongside our diplomatic efforts and collective work to defend our own borders and to assist the Ukrainian government and people in their fight, we, as well as our other allies and partners around the world, imposed severe measures on key Russian institutions and banks, and on the architects of this war, including Russian President Vladimir Putin. As Russian forces unleash their assault on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities, we are resolved to continue imposing costs on Russia that will further isolate Russia from the international financial system and our economies. We will implement these measures within the coming days. Specifically, we commit to undertake the following measures: First, we commit to ensuring that selected Russian banks are removed from the SWIFT messaging system. This will ensure that these banks are disconnected from the international financial system and harm their ability to operate globally. Second, we commit to imposing restrictive measures that will prevent the Russian Central Bank from deploying its international reserves in ways that undermine the impact of our sanctions. Third, we commit to acting against the people and entities who facilitate the war in Ukraine and the harmful activities of the Russian government. Specifically, we commit to taking measures to limit the sale of citizenship—so called golden passports—that let wealthy Russians connected to the Russian government become citizens of our countries and gain access to our financial systems. Fourth, we commit to launching this coming week a transatlantic task force that will ensure the effective implementation of our financial sanctions by identifying and freezing the assets of sanctioned individuals and companies that exist within our jurisdictions. As a part of this effort we are committed to employing sanctions and other financial and enforcement measures on additional Russian officials and elites close to the Russian government, as well as their families, and their enablers to identify and freeze the assets they hold in our jurisdictions. We will also engage other governments and work to detect and disrupt the movement of ill-gotten gains, and to deny these individuals the ability to hide their assets in jurisdictions across the world. Finally, we will step up or coordination against disinformation and other forms of hybrid warfare. We stand with the Ukrainian people in this dark hour. Even beyond the measures we are announcing today, we are prepared to take further measures to hold Russia to account for its attack on Ukraine. ###

DOS Seal Featured Image 新闻声明 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 2019年6月21日 今天，金融行动特别工作组（FATF）通过要求增加对位于伊朗的金融机构的监管，以回应伊朗故意未能解决其系统性洗钱和恐怖主义融资问题。伊朗伊斯兰共和国经常设法使用欺骗和借口为其非法活动提供资金，威胁了国际金融体系的完整性和安全性。 伊斯兰革命卫队继续从事大规模的非法融资计划，为其邪恶活动提供资金，这包括其对美国指定为恐怖组织的支持，如真主党和哈马斯。 伊朗政府最高层为伊斯兰革命卫队的非法融资计划提供便利。国际社会已明确表示，伊朗必须履行其承诺，表现得像一个正常国家一样。 特别工作组还重申了其关切：源自伊朗的恐怖主义融资风险及其对国际金融体系构成的威胁。在伊朗向特别工作组承诺制定行动计划的三年后，其大部分的必要工作仍未完成。正如我以前所说，伊朗必须按照特别工作组的标准批准《巴勒莫公约》和《打击恐怖主义融资公约》，否则将面临附加措施。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE JUNE 21, 2019 Today, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) responded to Iran’s willful failure to address its systemic money laundering and terrorist financing deficiencies by requiring increased supervision of Iran-based financial institutions. The Islamic Republic of Iran regularly seeks to use deception and subterfuge to fund its illicit activities, threatening the integrity and security of the international financial system. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps continues to engage in large-scale illicit financing schemes to fund its malign activities. This includes its support for U.S.-designated terrorist groups like Hizbollah and Hamas. The IRGC’s illicit financing schemes are facilitated at the highest levels of Iran’s government. The international community has made clear that Iran must live up to its commitments to behave like a normal nation. The FATF also reaffirmed its concern with terrorist financing risk emanating from Iran and the threat it poses to the international financial system. Three years after Iran committed to an action plan with the FATF, the majority of its necessary work remains incomplete. As I have stated before, Iran must ratify the Palermo and Terrorist Financing Conventions in line with the FATF standards or face additional measures.

U.S. Department of State Seal 美国国务院 发言人办公 华盛顿特区 2019年10月8日 蓬佩奥国务卿声明 美国国务院对在新疆实施压制的中国官员实行签证限制 （STATEMENT BY SECRETARY POMPEO U.S. Department of State Imposes Visa Restrictions on Chinese Officials for Repression in Xinjiang） 中国政府在新疆维吾尔自治区对维吾尔族人、哈萨克族人，吉尔吉斯族人以及其他穆斯林少数民族成员开展严厉压制运动，包括拘留营大规模关押；无处不在的高科技监视；对文化和宗教身份表达方式的严酷限制；以及对从海外回国的人严加胁迫，往往使他们在中国陷入厄运。今天我宣布： 美国呼吁中华人民共和国立即停止在新疆的压制运动，释放所有被任意关押的人，并停止胁迫居住在海外、返回中国即命运难卜的中国穆斯林少数民族成员。保护人权意义极其重大，所有国家必须尊重其人权义务与承诺。美国将继续审视对这些侵权情况作出反应的权限。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE OCTOBER 8, 2019 The Chinese government has instituted a highly repressive campaign against Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and other members of Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (Xinjiang) that includes mass detentions in internment camps; pervasive, high-tech surveillance; draconian controls on expressions of cultural and religious identities; and coercion of individuals to return from abroad to an often perilous fate in China.  Today, I am announcing: The United States calls on the People’s Republic of China to immediately end its campaign of repression in Xinjiang, release all those arbitrarily detained, and cease efforts to coerce members of Chinese Muslim minority groups residing abroad to return to China to face an uncertain fate.  The protection of human rights is of fundamental importance, and all countries must respect their human rights obligations and commitments.  The United States will continue to review its authorities to respond to these abuses.

负责东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿史达伟与外国使团办公室代理负责人克利夫顿·C·西格罗夫斯关于采取行动反击中华人民共和国影响活动的简报会 2020年8月13日 美国东部夏令时间 下午3:53 东亚和太平洋事务局助理国务卿史达伟（David R. Stilwell） 外国使团办公室代理负责人克利夫·西格罗夫斯（Cliff Seagroves） 通过电话会议 点击此处阅读英文版全文：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/briefing-on-actions-taken-to-counter-prc-influence-operations/

Briefing With Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs David R. Stilwell and Acting Director of the Office of Foreign Missions Clifton C. Seagroves On Actions Taken to Counter PRC Influence Operations SPECIAL BRIEFING DAVID R. STILWELL, ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS CLIFF SEAGROVES, DIRECTOR, ACTING OFFICE OF FOREIGN MISSIONS VIA TELECONFERENCE AUGUST 13, 2020 MR BROWN: Thank you, and good morning everyone. Thanks for joining us for this briefing on the designation of the Confucius Institute U.S. Center, or CIUS, as a foreign mission of the People’s Republic of China. Today we are recognizing CIUS for what it is: an entity advancing Beijing’s global propaganda and malign influence campaign on U.S. campuses and K through 12 classrooms. Today’s call is being conducted on the record. Joining us to brief you today are Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs David R. Stilwell, and our Acting Director of the Office of Foreign Missions, Clifton C. Seagroves. As a reminder, the information discussed on this call is embargoed until the call is completed, and as usual a transcript will be posted on state.gov later today. For the sake of efficiency, if you would like to go ahead and get into the question queue, just dial 1 then 0. I’ll now hand it over to Assistant Secretary Stilwell, and then we’ll hear from Acting Director Seagroves. Go ahead. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: Hey, thank you for that. And again, thanks to all of you for calling in as we lay out the – both rationale and the mechanics of what we’re trying to accomplish here. Let me just start off with an anecdote from my past. In 1988, I took my first trip to the PRC and I studied the Chinese language immersion. And just down the street from where I went to school was a place called Purple Bamboo Park, Zizhuyuan, and they had the English language corner. My Chinese friends told me to go over there and help Chinese college students work through their language training. It was open, the exchange was free, and it was beneficial for me and for them. The interesting thing is the conversation in large part dealt with the idea of democracy, and understanding – and for those who could speak English, understanding the mechanics of democracy. And they wanted that. They wanted to be able to have a voice in their government and have some say-so. And a year later you saw what came of that in the Tiananmen Square incident. But the point is that on both sides of the Pacific, it is necessary and useful to have these positive exchanges. These exchanges happen at the academic level, but they happen without the intrusion of governments that politicize and try to – and shape the discussion in a way that violates the concept of just free speech and academic freedom. And so of all the activities that have been highlighted, PRC activity in the U.S. that’s been highlighted, Confucius Institute’s been out there for a long time. People have understood for a very long that these things have been going on, and this designation is long overdue. Just to be clear on this, we’re designating the Confucius Institute of the United States Center. This is the organization that actually manages, supports, and funds Confucius Centers in the U.S. This is not going after Confucius Centers per se, although we would ask that universities, again, take a hard look at what those institutes are doing on their campuses and then decide for themselves if this is something that supports and advances academic freedom and our democratic values or not. And so this whole process, as you’ve heard me say before, reflects a larger effort by the U.S. Government and the Trump administration to get at true reciprocity and transparency. For too long we’ve turned a blind eye to these activities with the hope that they would understand the beauty of free and open and – these exchanges. But if you look hard enough at what they are doing in our country with something as innocuous-seeming as language, you will understand why we are going to have to – we take these actions. Reciprocity – we have these – similar activity, and American universities have these activities on their campuses in China, but the trouble is – they’re called American Corners – is for maybe a year now you can’t get to them. They make access impossible for Chinese students to go talk to Americans about these things. And so again, this reciprocal – supposedly reciprocal relationship is wildly out of balance. Our goal is to get the other side to understand the importance of transparency and openness and sharing, but until that happens we’re going to take steps to defend ourselves. So this process, as of yesterday does – it enables transparency. By designating the Confucius Institutes of the U.S., we ask them to tell us what they’re doing here in the U.S. We’re not closing it, we’re simply designating them as what they are, as foreign missions. This process that we’ve done so far with media and others has significantly improved visibility into what the PRC state media is doing – this is in terms of what we did last fall, and then in January – it gives us better visibility into what the state media is doing in the U.S. These so-called journalists do in fact work for the Beijing’s ministry of propaganda. We permit them to operate in the U.S., but they can’t masquerade as legitimate journalists. In the same way, these – activity of Confucius Institutes who work for the Hanban, who works for the Communist Party, cannot masquerade as benign academic activities institutions. They are what they are. We do support Chinese language, culture, and study in the U.S., but it has to be transparent and it can’t include coercion. We asked universities to take a hard look at what’s going on on their own campuses and address them factually and objectively to understand: Does this advance the concept of academic freedom? Does it advance the understanding of China today, both in terms of the culture but also the government? And does it advance freedom of speech and all those other things? So we’re working with Department of Education and others on that process. It’s helping our American schools and institutes of higher education deal with this, and also looking for other opportunities for language training and instruction. We think at this point it’s even more important that Americans study Chinese language, understand Chinese culture, and work to establish a truly reciprocal relationship on both sides of the Pacific. There are lots of opportunities. Those opportunities existed before Confucius Institutes. When I studied Chinese, there was no such thing as Confucius Institutes, so we don’t need these to provide sufficient language opportunities here in the U.S. There are other – there are options that we will explore. I’ll leave it at that, and subject to your questions, but Clif Seagroves has some points as well. MR SEAGROVES: Thank you. Just to give a little bit more background about the action itself that we’ve taken. So after careful review, we have designated CIUS headquarters as a foreign mission for purposes of the Foreign Missions Act. This action will improve the Department of State’s understanding of the manner in which the Chinese Government uses its network of Confucius Institutes and classrooms in the United States to influence American scholars. Section 4302-A of the Foreign Missions Act describes several bases on which the entity can be considered a foreign mission, including being substantially owned or effectively controlled by a foreign government. There is no question that CIUS meets this standard. Entities designated as foreign missions must adhere to terms and conditions established by my office aimed at regulating the manner in which they receive certain benefits in the United States. As a result, we are now requiring CIUS to provide Department of State with basic information concerning their personnel rosters, real estate holdings, as well as the need to obtain our prior approval to make any future acquisitions of real property in the United States. Further, CIUS is also now required to regularly provide a set of reports concerning their funding of personnel and operations at the Confucius Institutes and classrooms around the United States, as well as to provide us with information concerning their curriculum and training materials that they provide to such organizations. Thank you. MR BROWN: Okay. With that, we’ll take questions. For our first question, can we go to the line of Kate O’Keeffe with Wall Street Journal? QUESTION: Thank you so much. I wanted to get a little more clarity on how you expect this action could impact the actual classrooms of these Confucius Institutes. Do you expect anything concrete to change in that classroom setting? And also with – the Chinese Government has announced they’re basically rebranding these things and moving them under a nongovernmental organization. So does that – like how do you think about dealing with that type of situation? Thank you. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: Hey, Kate, thanks. I really appreciate your question. To your – the last question, you’re right, they did change the names, but the activity hasn’t changed. And I would remind those that aren’t watching this very closely that China basically – effectively banned all nongovernment organizations in China in their – what we think of as nongovernment and brought them under – you have to have a government sponsor in the PRC. And so they become GONGOs, right – government-organized nongovernment organizations. That’s so communist. So that’s the first part. As far as it affects the classrooms, again, this has to do with the management and funding here in D.C., which is where this organization resides. And so the activities at the actual universities are not necessarily impacted except for the point that we’re making is that foot-stomping that what these folks are doing has things – has other attributes other than studying Chinese. There is a – maybe a propagandizing, messaging aspect to it that people want – we just want them to be aware, let people go into this with their eyes open and make their own choices. Clif may have some more details on the classrooms themselves. Over. MR SEAGROVES: I don’t have anything to add to that, sir. MR BROWN: Okay. For our next question, let’s go to the line of Han Chen with Radio Free Asia. QUESTION: Hello, sir. This is – actually, Kate already asked the question, so I’d like to yield my question. Thank you. MR BROWN: Okay. Great. Let’s go to the line of Jack Robinson with Fox News now. QUESTION: Thank you. So in addition to the new DHS guidelines when it comes to education and international students as well as the visa changes in July from the State Department, do you have any more developments, any news on some foreign exchange students? Because there are many who remain in limbo about their plans for the 2020 and 2021 school year. ASSISTANT SECETARY STILWELL: Yeah, thanks for that question. As far as the details on that, I’d have to refer you to the Department of Education and, as you mentioned, DHS as far as how the visas are going to work, how online study is going to work, and all the rest. I mean, one point to take from that, though, is the sheer numbers of students that do study in the U.S. It’s – for me, it was truly impressive. For the Chinese, it’s something in the neighborhood of 350,000 students. And then you add in the secondary students, so the kids who are going to boarding school here in high school, and that adds about another 100,000. So the American education enterprise is very vibrant, active, and desirable. How we work through the corona part, it’s a – I know it’s going to be a temporary fix. We’re going to – and we’re going to have to deal with this for the next year or so, and obviously looking forward to getting back to where we were in all things, not just in education. Over. MR BROWN: Okay. For our next question, let’s go to the line of Jae-Dong Yu with Dong-A Ilbo Daily. QUESTION: Yeah, hello. This question is a little bit off the track, but President Trump said in a radio interview whether South Korea and Japan should seek nuclear weapons in the face of China’s aggressiveness will be a key topic of discussion. Do you think this is a feasible option for South Korea and other East Asian countries? Thank you. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: That’s a interesting change of pace since we’re talking about education, but the – yeah, I’m not going to go into unrelated questions on this. I would refer you to the White House on that. MR BROWN: Yeah, let’s please try to keep the questions focused on the issue we are discussing today. I would appreciate that. Next, if we could go to the line of Ed Wong, New York Times. QUESTION: Hi, thanks. Can you give us some statistics on how many Confucius Institutes – and separately, classrooms – are in the U.S. and how many have closed down in recent years? Because I know there’s been a change and there’s been some pressure on – from various parties for campuses to close some down. And then the second question is: You mentioned that campuses should be wary of them because of – you used the word “coercion.” And I’m curious, like how – like, from your research, what are some examples of that coercion? And I also wanted to see how that would be different than –like for example, some of us who studied Chinese in the ’90s and the 2000s in – on U.S. campuses here used Chinese propaganda – Chinese textbooks from the mainland that had lots of propaganda in it touting the Communist Party and Deng Xiaoping and various things. And I don’t feel that we were indoctrinated in communist propaganda. If anything, it made us sort of see the way that the party thinks or puts out its messaging. So I’m just wondering what you see – this coercion or whatever propaganda efforts you see as being different than what we all went through when we studied Chinese. I’m sure you had some of those experiences of textbooks, David, when you were studying, too. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: Hey, Ed, thanks. I’ll take that one. I’ll let Cliff take the first question on numbers, but on the second question, we got a fact sheet coming out that gives a long list of examples of how these supposed language study activities are in fact forcing decisions by university administrators, by teachers, and by students. A couple examples: University of California San Diego chose to invite the Dalai Lama to give a commencement address at graduation, and they actively pressured the administration to not do that, to not invite him. Another example is a speaker coming to an event who had in her bio the fact that she had studied in Taiwan. That was edited out before that was published. And so there – I – look at the Cambridge University press. This is not strictly related to it, but to your larger question about the impact of influence ops like this. Cambridge University press was told to delete 250 articles that the Chinese Communist Party found offensive, and therefore, with the threat of economic reprisals, had them do. And they, in fact, did until the academic world said how about academic freedom, and then they reversed their decision, with no impact, by the way. The Chinese did not follow through on that threat as far as I could tell. And so to your last question, yeah, I studied some great textbooks, especially the ones – as I mentioned, I studied in Beijing in 1988. The fingerprints of the Culture Revolution were still drying at that point and it was comical. And so our point here isn’t that the American people aren’t smart enough to recognize propaganda, although I would say that in the recent past, as you look at MFA tweets and other things, they are becoming more adept at mixing truth with false – lies with truth. A digression: I’m working very hard to get – since we’re talking academics, I’m trying to get schools to teach critical thinking more. That makes us better suited to defining what’s propaganda and what’s fact. It also helps us understand social media and how to deal with social media better with its many negative and down sides. But overall, yeah, we do trust that folks can make these decisions. But we – we’re not kicking them out. We’re just highlighting the fact that these folks do, in fact, work for the ministry of education of the Communist Party and letting them deal with it in their own American way. Over. And Cliff, can you talk about the classroom number? MR SEAGROVES: Thank you. I do not have that exact number with me at the moment, that – of how many have closed in the U.S. in the past several years, but I will tell you where we got that information is from reporting possibly from one of you on this call. There’s a series of articles about this, and that’s been our primary source for tracking that information. I – but I do apologize, I just don’t have that number with me at the moment. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: Hey, I do have that, and I’ll present you the evidence. Let’s see. There were – there are around 500 Confucius classrooms; these are K through 12. Each is affiliated with a university-based Confucius Institute. Right now, we’re tracking 75 Confucius Institutes operating in the U.S. Sixty-five are active on U.S. university campuses, the rest functioning as standalone organizations. There – this is a three-page – two-page fact sheet that we’ll make sure that everybody gets, but it has all that data on it. Over. MR BROWN: Great, thanks. Next question, let’s go to Robert Delaney with the South China Morning Post. QUESTION: Hi. Thanks for taking my question. It was actually answered. I was – I wanted to hear the numbers that you’ve just given out. And I just wanted to make sure that fact sheet that you’re talking about, is that coming through – will you just e-mail that to everyone on the call? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: We will make sure it is distributed broadly. We’re working on the medium as we speak. QUESTION: Okay. MR BROWN: Yeah, we’ll probably post it to our – I imagine we’ll post it to our website. Okay, next question. Let’s go to the line of Carol Morello. QUESTION: Well, thank you. I’m sorry I don’t know the answer to this, but are there any American institutions or universities that have any kind of facilities in China and – or is there any kind of American institution that would be a logical target for retaliation by the Chinese? Thank you. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: I – because we’re an open and free society, I can’t tell you exactly what universities are doing what in China. What I do know, though, is access to those is strictly limited in the current environment, that they are all having difficulty operating, generally speaking. And as far as the Chinese taking reciprocal measures or reprisals, that’s always in the cards. We trust you, the open and free press, to identify that. Again, all we’re doing here is designating them for what they are. This is a Confucian rectification of names, as many of you understand. We’re simply calling these things what they are. These are arms of the Chinese Communist Party. What – how you would respond to that or punish an American activity in China, I don’t know, but if they were doing the same level of research that we did, they would discover these folks really are operating independently with the intent of increasing knowledge and fostering education. Over. MR BROWN: Great. Next question, let’s go to Natalie Liu. QUESTION: Liu, right, Natalie Liu from Voice of America. Could you elaborate on the closing of the American Corner in China in the last year, as well as if there are any measures put in place to address potential questions from American institutions that currently host or have something to do with the CIs? Thank you. ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: So the year I cited was not accurate. It’s been over time, over a longer period of time. But there’s been examples – so for the first thing, American Corners, as I understand it, are basically American academic institutions in partnership with the embassy that helps them get established throughout the PRC. The ones I know about are the ones in Beijing. But there are other activities where we invite Chinese people in to understand the U.S. better, and they are being affected both in not being allowed access where we ask for the key and they can’t find the key, or for folks trying to get into our activities in American consulates or the embassy; Peoples Armed Police guards who do protect the diplomatic activities are overly checking IDs and stuff. They’re discouraging people from going in. So there is this slow cutting off of the Chinese people from what are non-nefarious, what are – what they are. These are activities – this is trying to understand what the U.S. is, how we think, things they can’t get past the firewall and all those things, and the government is actively cutting them off, to their detriment, frankly. Over. MR BROWN: Okay. Next question, let’s go to the line of Joel Gehrke. QUESTION: Hi. Thank you for doing this. I wondered: Are you expecting anything in the way of retaliation from the Chinese side, and whether directly on something like campuses, as my colleague asked about, or elsewhere? And a little more broadly, what do you make of some of the recent statements we’ve seen from senior Chinese diplomats talking about their interest in sitting down with the U.S. to talk and keep things from spiraling out of control, as one put it this week? But in the wake of the meeting in Hawaii and with the other – some of the other aggressive actions that have been taken, is there room for some kind of dialogue that was not previously available, and if so, does – do things like this decision today jeopardize that? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: As far as reprisals, they’ve already happened, unfortunately, right. Telling NGOs you can’t operate in the PRC anymore without a sponsor, and then you don’t get a sponsor, therefore you’re no longer able to function; the inability for our American Centers, American Corners, to operate – those things have already happened. I’m not sure how much more you could do. And the fact is, like you said, I don’t know what you would reprise in this case since all we’re doing is calling a spade a spade. On the second question as far as – yeah, you saw Foreign Minister Le’s comment yesterday about we need to talk. The formula I use on that, it’s all about building trust, right? Words/talk times deeds/action equals trust. But right now we’ve got nothing but words and – but no action taken to address our fundamental concerns with where this relationship is going. And so as the Secretary has said and many have said, all channels are open. We’re happy to have a discussion, but it can’t be just talks. It has to be action. And PRC – we are – our list of our demands are very clear. They understand what they are. They have not taken steps to address them. I mean, we’ll go to the trade relationship. We say it’s an open and free trade construct, but as you know, it is absolutely not. We have national champions, SOEs, all these other things. The same thing goes in diplomacy. Chinese – as you saw with Houston, the Chinese diplomats are doing things that are not diplomatic. They’re doing things that are undermining medical research. They are doing things that are undermining freedom of speech, all these things. And in the meantime, the clamps on our activity in the PRC are only getting tighter. And so we are having discussions and we’re emphasizing through them that they need to address our fundamental concerns and we will take steps if they do not. Over. MR BROWN: Great. I think we have time for one or two more. Let’s go to Conor Finnegan with ABC. QUESTION: Hey, David, thank you for doing this. You and the Secretary have said repeatedly that this isn’t about harming the Chinese people or people-to-people ties between the U.S. and China. But the American public has a pretty historically poor view of Beijing at this moment, so what do you say to the criticism that the steps you guys have taken in the last few months on visas and media, the consulate closure, and now today’s action, will have that effect; it could increase the risk of a confrontation? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: I would say do not confuse the antagonist and the protagonist. Don’t – Hong Kong, we’ve been talking about that for a while. I don’t want to – let’s keep this call on the visa side of it, but the national security law and everything that has happened since has all been very deliberately executed by Beijing, and yet you still have questions about impacts on business and impacts on other things that have to do with Hong Kong. Anything that happens to Hong Kong isn’t the U.S.’s fault. It’s not our doing. We’re doing our best to preserve what that was, the Hong Kong we all knew, but the activity and the changes are all coming out of Beijing by their own – by their choice. The impact in the U.S. on painting the Chinese Communist Party, Beijing, as not the beneficial player and global leader that they are purporting to be, they own that. And what they’re finding, though, and what we’ve – what the fact sheet shows, what the Secretary’s words, what the Nixon Library speech and all these things are showing, is things that we have turned a blind eye to for far too long in the interest in 40 years of effort to help them understand the benefits of being truly open and transparent, about the benefits of truly free trade and all those things. And this is why we make it very clear – and you’ll hear the Secretary say it often and I do every chance I get – this is not about the Chinese people, language, culture, anything. They’re in many ways as much the recipients of these unfortunate decisions as we are. We support them. We would love to see them operate in a more transparent and open environment. So understand who is taking the action and who it’s impacting. As far as it impacts what’s going on here in the United States, the President has been very clear. He says not while I am president that stuff is not going to happen, and he’s taken very strong steps and positive steps to remedy that. Over. MR BROWN: Okay, last question, and I apologize if I butcher your name. Zhaoyin Feng with BBC. QUESTION: (Inaudible) do this. On the educational exchanges, dozens of Chinese students were reportedly interrogated at U.S. airports when they were trying to get on flights leaving the country, and their digital devices were taken away for further investigation. Is this kind of screening targeting departing Chinese students now a national policy, and what are the criteria you depend on to determine which students to be checked? And if I can ask a second question, you mentioned the Chinese media in the U.S. A large group of Chinese journalists’ U.S. visas expired last week. Most of them worked for state media (inaudible) some of them worked for other Chinese media or even non-Chinese foreign media. What’s the administration’s current plans regarding this visa issue? ASSISTANT SECRETARY STILWELL: As far as the students operating in the country or departing the country, you may remember there was a visa determination made about PLA students operating in the country. People who want to come here and study in the U.S. with the intent of learning and improving themselves and getting good jobs, the doors are wide open and we will always do that. But if you are here masquerading as – if you remember, I’ve got seven of them right here – Department of Justice announcements for one – I mean, the one in San Francisco, Tang Juan, who was here was a PLA officer[i] but denied that on her visa application and then when asked about, lied about it. We have to defend ourselves. And again, I’ll refer you to the law enforcement arm of this is how they determine who they talk to and who they don’t. But this is normal activity. This is what nations do to make sure security is taken care of. Over. MR BROWN: Okay, I guess this is the end of the call. Thanks, Assistant Secretary Stilwell and Cliff for joining and for briefing us today, and for everyone who joined the call. As this is the end of the call, the embargo on the contents is lifted. Everybody, have a great day. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ [i] who was here as allegedly a PLA officer

从2019年11月1日起，广州美国领事馆I-131A表格的处理工作移交到美国国务院。有关如何申请的说明，请参阅以下网页: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/consular-services-zh/boarding-foil-application-procedures-cn/ 如果您是合法永久居民（LPR），包括有条件的LPR，请使用此表格， 如果您是： 临时离开美国海外旅行没有超过一年，您的绿卡已丢失，被盗或被毁; 或 临时离开美国海外旅行没有超过两年，您的再入境许可证已丢失，被盗或被毁; 和 您希望申请旅行证件（承运人文件）并且允许您登上航空公司客机。 对于在国外出生的LPR儿童，请参阅“申请和其他特殊说明”一节。 注意：请通过https://help.cbp.gov 来获取更多美国入境的信息也可以直接把相关问题发送至美国海关和边境保护局（CBP）。 您是合法永久居民并且： 您在海外的时间从您离开美国开始到支付I-131A申请费用为止。 如果您是持有过期绿卡的合法永久居民，可能不需要提交I-131A表格。我们建议您在提交I-131A之前向您的航空公司或船舶公司查询。 虽然法规一般要求合法永久居民使用有效的绿卡旅行，但CBP的政策在以下情况允许合法永久居民在没有承运人文件的情况下乘坐航班/船舶等返回美国，如果您： 合法永久居民海外出生的孩子 合法永久居民海外出生的孩子，两岁前在合法永久居民第一次返美时陪同进入美国，无需签证。 CBP的政策表明，在这种情况下航空公司可以允许孩子登机。 由于广州USCIS办公室不再接受I-131A表格的申请。有关I-131A表格的申请信息，包括合法永久居民海外出生孩子的登机纸，您可以通过以下链接联系非移民签证部。https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/consular-services-zh/boarding-foil-application-procedures-cn/ 如果您的孩子没有在您首次返美时随行，请咨询美国领事馆或最近的USCIS办公室，了解您孩子是否符合移民签证条件。 在美国外逗留超过一年 如果您没有回美证，却在美国外逗留超过一年；（或持有回美证，却在美国外逗留超过两年），您需要向最近的美国领事馆或美国大使馆的领事部门申请返回居民签证（英文）（SB-1），或向对您所逗留的国家具有管辖权的移民局办公室咨询相关备选旅行证件。 有关取得绿卡后如何维持您合法永久居民身份的信息，请参阅此页面。

As of November 1, 2019, the processing of form I-131A at US Consulate Guangzhou has been transferred to the Department of State.  Instructions on how to file can be found at: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/services/boarding-foil-application-procedures/ Use this form if you are a lawful permanent resident (LPR), including an LPR with conditions, and you are: OR AND For a child born abroad to an LPR, please see the section entitled “Filing and Other Special Instructions.” Notice:  Please direct U.S. entry and admission questions to U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) at https://help.cbp.gov. You may apply for carrier documentation if you are an LPR and: The length of your absence from the United States will be measured from the time you departed the U.S. to the time you pay the fee for filing Form I-131A. If you are an LPR with an expired Green Card, you may not need to file a Form I-131A. We encourage you check with your airline or vessel before filing a Form I-131A. Although regulations generally require an LPR to travel with a valid Green card, CBP policy permits a transportation carrier bound for the United States to board an LPR without carrier documentation if you: Child Born Abroad to a LPR If you are an LPR and your child is born abroad during a temporary absence from the United States, your child may enter the United States without a visa before he or she turns two years old if your child accompanies you on your first return to the United States. CBP’s guidance indicates that an airline may board a child in this situation. Please be advised that USCIS Guangzhou no longer accepts Form I-131A.  For information regarding the filing of Form I-131A, including a boarding foil for a baby born abroad to an LPR parent, you may wish to contact the Nonimmigrant Visa Unit at the link below. For filing of Form I-131A, Application for Travel Document, please refer to https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/services/boarding-foil-application-procedures/ If your child does not come to the United States when you, the LPR parent first return to the United States, consult the U.S. Consulate or this USCIS office about the availability of an immigrant visa for your child. Outside the U.S. For More than One Year If you have been outside of the United States for more than one year without a reentry permit (or more than two years with a reentry permit), you will need to either seek a returning resident visa (SB-1) with the Consular Section of the U.S. Consulate or U.S. Embassy nearest to you, or consult with the USCIS office that has jurisdiction over the country in which you are traveling about an alternative travel document. For information about maintaining your residency receiving your Green Card, see our After a Green Card is Granted page.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2023年2月24日 纽约州纽约市   安东尼·布林肯国务卿在联合国安理会乌克兰问题部长级会议上的讲话   布林肯国务卿：主席先生，秘书长先生，各位理事会成员：   一年零一周前的2022年2月17日，我在这个理事会发出警示：俄罗斯计划入侵乌克兰。   我说，俄罗斯将制造借口，然后使用导弹、坦克、士兵、网络攻击等手段，打击预先确定 的目标，包括基辅在内，妄图推翻乌克兰民主选举产生的政府。   俄罗斯代表——今天也将发言的同一位代表——称这些警示是“毫无根据的指控”。   七天后的2022年2月24日，俄罗斯发动了全面入侵。   由于乌克兰保卫者的顽强抵抗，普京总统妄图征服乌克兰、结束其作为一个独立国家的存在并将其吞并入俄罗斯的首要目的没有得逞。   然后，他重演2014年克里米亚的故伎：在乌克兰四个被俄罗斯占领的地区举行了快速公投，驱逐了乌克兰人，用巴士运来俄罗斯人，在枪口下举行虚假投票，然后操纵投票结果，声称加入俄罗斯联邦几乎得到了全体支持。   当普京总统无法击垮乌克兰军队时，他变本加厉地试图击垮乌克兰人的精神。在过去一年中，俄罗斯已经杀害了数万名乌克兰男女老少，使超过1300万人流离失所，摧毁了该国一半以上的能源供应网，轰炸了700多家医院和2600多所学校，绑架了至少6000名乌克兰儿童——其中一些年仅4个月——并将他们转送到俄罗斯。   然而，乌克兰人的精神并未被击垮，反而比以往更坚强。   当乌克兰发起反攻，重新夺回大片本国领土时，普京总统又征召了30万人入伍——把越来越多的俄罗斯年轻人扔进他自己制造的绞肉机。他还任用瓦格纳集团（Wagner Group），其雇佣兵的暴行遍及非洲和中东，现在又在践踏乌克兰。   当然，这并非过去一年的全部情况。   还有乌克兰人民的历程。在敌众我寡的情况下，他们为捍卫自己的国家、自由及决定自 己未来的权利进行了英勇的斗争。他们表现出令人鼓舞的团结，互相帮助，抵御莫斯科 的肆意进攻。   教师和社区成员在掩体里给孩子上课。城市工人就地取材临时修补被破坏的设施，恢复供 暖、供电和供水。街坊邻里设立救济厨房为饥饿的人提供食物。   还有国际社会如何团结一致的历程。   绝大多数成员国已多次投票谴责俄罗斯违反《联合国宪章》，反对俄罗斯企图非法占领乌克兰领土的行为。昨天，141个国家在联合国大会上投票通过一项决议，重申国家主权和领土完整的核心原则，谴责俄罗斯的暴行，表示支持按照《联合国宪章》实现公正和全面和平。   当普京总统力图把饥饿作为武器——把自联合国成立以来最严重的全球粮食危机当作可趁之机——国际社会迅速作出回应。   自从去年五月美国主持的一个粮食安全会议以来，100多个国家加入了旨在减轻饥饿的一系列具体承诺。在很大程度上由古特雷斯秘书长和土耳其的努力而达成的黑海谷物倡议（Black Sea Grain Initiative），使俄罗斯放松了对乌克兰港口的封锁，全球粮食价格下降。现在，面对俄罗斯再次试图钳制出口，我们必须确保该倡议得到延长和扩大。   当普京总统试图把能源武器化时，我们对全球的天然气供应作出重新调运，使受俄罗斯打击的国家的人民能够温暖过冬。欧洲采取了非常措施，以结束对俄罗斯能源的依赖。   没有一个国家遭受到比乌克兰更大的俄罗斯战争造成的苦难，但是几乎每一个国家都感受到痛苦。然而，世界各地国家继续支持乌克兰，因为我们都认识到，如果我们放弃乌克兰，就是放弃联合国自身的《宪章》以及让所有国家更安全和更有保障的原则和规则。   不得以武力夺取土地。   不得取消另一个国家的边界。   不得在战争中攻击平民。   不得发动侵略战争。   如果我们不捍卫这些基本原则，我们就是在怂恿一个可能将恃强凌弱视为理所当然的世界。那个世界是成立这个机构所致力于结束的世界。本安理会的成员具有特殊的责任，确保不让我们回到那样的世界。我们可以通过三个途径做到这点。   第一，我们必须努力争取公正与持久的和平。   我预期许多国家今天会呼吁和平。   没有任何人比乌克兰人民更想要和平。美国早已明确表示——甚至在这场战争之前——我们随时准备通过任何有意义的外交努力，制止俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵犯。   但历史告诉我们，和平的性质很重要。   要获得公正的和平，就必须维护《联合国宪章》的核心原则：主权、领土完整、独立。   要获得持久的和平，就必须确保俄罗斯不是仅作歇息，重新武装，并在数月或数年内重新发动战争。   任何将俄罗斯以武力霸占的土地合法化的和平都将削弱宪章，并向各地未来的侵略者发出一个信息，那就是，他们可以侵略他国而不受惩罚。   泽连斯基总统提出了一个实现公正和持久和平的十点方案。与此相反，普京总统表明，除非乌克兰接受——我引述原话——“新领土现实”，否则毫无可谈，并同时将其残酷战术变本加厉。   本安理会成员具有确保使一切和平公正而持久的根本责任。   安理会成员不应受临时或无条件停火要求的蒙蔽。俄罗斯将利用任何作战间隙，巩固其对非法夺取的领土的控制，并为进一步发动进攻补充兵力。这是俄罗斯在2015年冻结其对乌克兰的第一次攻击时所发生的情况。看看随继而来的是什么。   本安理会成员不应陷入虚伪的等同，即呼吁双方均结束战斗，或者以和平的名义呼吁其他国家停止支持乌克兰。   本安理会的任何成员都不应在呼吁和平的同时，支持俄罗斯对乌克兰和对《联合国宪章》的战争。   在这场战争中，有侵略者，也有受害者。   俄罗斯为征服而战。乌克兰为自由而战。   如果俄罗斯停止战斗并撤离乌克兰，战争就会结束。如果乌克兰停止战斗，乌克兰就会终结。   事实仍然是：有一个人——弗拉基米尔·普京——发动了这场战争；这个人也可以结束战争。   其次，就在我们努力终结俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争时，安理会成员国也必须继续应对国际和平与安全所面临的其他挑战。   我们听到一些国家表示关切，他们担心与乌克兰站在一起并追究俄罗斯的责任会分散其他需要帮助的国家的注意力和资源。   对于这些国家，我只想说，请看我们的行动。   当你们听到俄罗斯及其辩护者指责支持乌克兰的国家无视世界其他地区时——我要说请看看莫斯科的所作所为。   请对比一下有关数字。美国除了去年为抗击饥饿提供135亿美元粮食援助外，我们还为世界粮食计划署40%以上的预算提供了资金。而俄罗斯的贡献还不到这项预算的1%。   这并非不同寻常。根据最新的联合国数据，美国对联合国维和行动的捐助是俄罗斯的九倍多。我们向联合国儿童基金会提供的款项是俄罗斯的390倍。我们给联合国难民署的资金几乎是俄罗斯的1000倍。   第三，我们必须重申我们对维护《联合国宪章》所说的——我引用原文——“人格尊严与价值”的承诺。   我们必须继续收集俄罗斯不断犯下的大规模暴行的证据，其中包括处决、酷刑、强奸和性暴力，以及将数以千计的乌克兰平民驱逐到俄罗斯。   我们必须继续记录俄罗斯的战争罪行及反人类罪行，并将这些证据提供给调查人员和检察人员，以便有一天能对犯下罪行的人追究责任。   俄罗斯日复一日的暴行很可能让我们对恐怖变得麻木，失去我们感到震惊和愤怒的能力。但我们绝不能让俄罗斯正在犯下的罪行成为我们的新常态。   布查惨案绝非正常。马里乌波尔惨案绝非正常。伊尔平惨案绝非正常。将学校、医院和公寓楼炸成瓦砾绝非正常。将乌克兰儿童从他们的家人那里偷走并交给俄罗斯人绝非正常。   我们绝不能让普京总统对人类生命的冷酷无情让我们也变得冷漠。   我们必须牢牢谨记，在这场悲惨的战争中以及在世界各地的冲突中，每一次暴行的背后都有一个活生生的人。   我最近参观了一个受战争影响的乌克兰儿童的艺术作品展。   我看到了一幅名叫维罗尼卡（Veronika）的10岁女孩画的画。去年四月，俄罗斯军队炮击了她在武赫莱达（Vuhledar）的家，杀害了她的全家。当急救人员把她从瓦砾中挖出来时，一块弹片卡在了她的头骨中。她的左手拇指被撕断了。医生救了她的命，但这次袭击导致她的右手基本瘫痪，左眼也看不见东西。   在她的画作中，维罗妮卡身穿亮粉色和橙色相间的连衣裙，手捧一束鲜花。一座建筑物矗立在她身旁。当被问及谁住在那里时，她说那里是她认识的所有在战争中罹难的人的安全之所。   《联合国宪章》开宗明义：“我联合国人民同兹决心欲免后世再遭……惨不堪言之战祸……”   安理会各位成员：现在是兑现承诺的时候了。在乌克兰有很多人和那个叫维罗尼卡的小女孩都想拥有同样的东西：一个让他们能在自己的国家中和平生活并保障他们所爱的人的安全的世界。   我们有能力，也有责任为今天和子孙后代创造这样的世界。我们不能——我们将不会——听任某个国家摧毁它。   谢谢。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-blinkens-remarks-at-the-united-nations-security-council-ministerial-meeting-on-ukraine/   本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE UNITED NATIONS NEW YORK, N.Y. FEBRUARY 24, 2023 SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Mr.  President, Mr.  Secretary-General, fellow council members: One year and one week ago – on February 17th, 2022 – I warned this council that Russia was planning to invade Ukraine. I said that Russia would manufacture a pretext, and then use missiles, tanks, soldiers, cyber attacks to strike pre-identified targets, including Kyiv, with the aim of toppling Ukraine’s democratically elected government. Russia’s representative – the same representative who will speak today – called these, and I quote, “groundless accusations.” Seven days later, on February 24th, 2022, Russia launched its full-scale invasion. Due to fierce resistance by Ukraine’s defenders, President Putin failed in his primary objective to conquer Ukraine, end its existence as an independent country, and absorb it into Russia. Then, he dusted off his Crimea playbook from 2014: He called snap referenda in four occupied parts of Ukraine, deported Ukrainians, bussed in Russians, held sham votes at gunpoint, and then manipulated the results to claim near unanimous support for joining the Russian Federation. When President Putin couldn’t break the Ukrainian military, he intensified efforts to break Ukrainians’ spirit.  Over the last year, Russia has killed tens of thousands of Ukrainian men, women, and children; uprooted more than 13 million people from their homes; destroyed more than half of the country’s energy grid; bombed more than 700 hospitals, 2,600 schools; and abducted at least 6,000 Ukrainian children – some as young as four months old – and relocated them to Russia. And yet, the spirit of the Ukrainians remains unbroken; if anything, it’s stronger than ever. When Ukraine launched a counteroffensive that retook large swaths of its territory, President Putin conscripted an additional 300,000 men – throwing more and more of Russia’s young people into a meat grinder of his own making.  And he unleashed the Wagner Group – mercenaries who have committed atrocities from Africa to the Middle East, and now, in Ukraine. Of course, that’s not the whole story of the last year. There is also the story of Ukraine’s people.  Vastly outnumbered, they have fought bravely to defend their nation, their freedom, the right to determine their own future.  And they’ve demonstrated inspiring unity in helping one another endure Moscow’s relentless assault. Teachers and community members give classes in bunkers to children.  City workers improvise patches to restore heat and power and water to residents.  Neighbors set up soup kitchens to feed the hungry. There’s also the story of how the international community has come together. The vast majority of member-states have voted multiple times to condemn Russia’s violations of the UN Charter and reject its illegal attempt to seize Ukrainian territory.  Yesterday, 141 countries voted in the General Assembly for a resolution that reaffirms the core principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, denounces Russia’s atrocities, expresses support for a just and comprehensive peace, in accordance with the United Nations Charter. When President Putin tried to weaponize hunger – exploiting the worst global food crisis since the creation of the UN – the international community responded swiftly. Since the United States chaired a Food Security meeting last May, more than 100 countries have signed onto a set of concrete commitments to alleviate hunger.  Thanks in large part to the Secretary-General Guterres and Türkiye, the Black Sea Grain Initiative loosened Russia’s stranglehold on Ukraine’s ports and brought down the cost of grain for the world.  Now, as Moscow again tries to throttle its output, we have to ensure that that initiative is extended and expanded. When President Putin tried to weaponize energy, we redirected natural gas supplies from across the world, so that countries Russia targeted could keep their people warm in the winter.  And Europe took extraordinary steps to end its dependence on Russian energy. No country has endured greater hardship from Russia’s war than Ukraine, but almost every country has felt the pain.  And yet, nations around the world continue to stand with Ukraine.  Because we all recognize that if we abandon Ukraine, we abandon the UN Charter itself, and the principles and rules that make all countries safer and more secure. No seizing land by force. No erasing another country’s borders. No targeting civilians in war. No wars of aggression. If we do not defend these basic principles, we invite a world in which might makes right, the strong dominate the weak.  That’s the world this body was created to end.  And members of this council have a unique responsibility to make sure that we do not return to it.  We can do that in three ways. First, we must push for a just and durable peace. Now I expect that many countries will call for peace today. No one wants peace more than the Ukrainian people.  And the United States has long made clear – even before this war – that we’re prepared to engage in any meaningful diplomatic effort to stop Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. But history teaches us that it’s the nature of peace that matters. For peace to be just, it must uphold the principles at the heart of the UN Charter: sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence. For peace to be durable, it must ensure that Russia can’t simply rest, rearm, and relaunch the war in a few months or a few years. Any peace that legitimizes Russia’s seizure of land by force will weaken the charter and send a message to would-be aggressors everywhere that they can invade countries and get away with it. President Zelenskyy has put forward a ten-point plan for a just and durable peace.  President Putin, by contrast, has made clear that there is nothing to talk about until Ukraine accepts, and I quote, “the new territorial realities,” while doubling down on his brutal tactics. Members of this council have a fundamental responsibility to ensure that any peace is just and durable. Council members should not be fooled by calls for a temporary or unconditional ceasefire.  Russia will use any pause in fighting to consolidate control over the territory it’s illegally seized and replenish its forces for further attacks.  That’s what happened when Russia’s first assault on Ukraine froze in 2015.  Look at what followed. And members of this council should not fall into the false equivalency of calling on both sides to stop fighting, or calling on other nations to stop supporting Ukraine in the name of peace. No member of this council should call for peace while supporting Russia’s war on Ukraine and on the UN Charter. In this war, there is an aggressor and there is a victim. Russia fights for conquest.  Ukraine fights for its freedom. If Russia stops fighting and leaves Ukraine, the war ends.  If Ukraine stops fighting, Ukraine ends. The fact remains:  One man – Vladimir Putin – started this war; one man can end it. Second, even as we work to end Russia’s war against Ukraine, members of this council must continue to address other challenges to international peace and security. We hear the concerns of countries who worry that standing with Ukraine and holding Russia accountable is diverting focus and resources from others in need. To those countries, I would say, simply, look at our actions. And when you hear Russia and its defenders accuse the countries who support Ukraine of ignoring the rest of the world – I say look at Moscow’s actions. Compare the numbers.  In addition to the $13.5 billion in food aid that the United States contributed to fight hunger over the last year, we also fund more than 40 percent of the World Food Program’s budget.  Russia contributes less than 1 percent of that budget. That’s not an outlier.  Based on the latest UN figures, the United States donates over nine times as much as Russia to UN peacekeeping.  We donate 390 times as much as Russia to UNICEF.  We give nearly a thousand times as much as Russia to the UN Refugee Agency. Third, we must reaffirm our commitment to upholding what the UN Charter calls, and I quote, “the dignity and worth of the human person.” We must continue to compile evidence of Russia’s ongoing and widespread atrocities, including executions; torture; rape and sexual violence; the deportation of thousands of Ukrainian civilians to Russia. We must continue to document Russia’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, and share this evidence with investigators and prosecutors, so that one day, the perpetrators can be held accountable. Day after day of Russia’s atrocities, it’s easy to become numb to the horror, to lose our ability to feel shock and outrage.  But we can never let the crimes Russia is committing become our new normal. Bucha is not normal.  Mariupol is not normal.  Irpin is not normal.  Bombing schools and hospitals and apartment buildings to rubble is not normal.  Stealing Ukrainian children from their families and giving them to people in Russia is not normal. We must not let President Putin’s callous indifference to human life become our own. We must force ourselves to remember that behind every atrocity in this wretched war, in conflicts around the world, is a human being. I recently visited an exhibit of artwork made by Ukrainian children affected by the war. One painting I saw was made by a ten-year-old girl named Veronika.  Last April, Russian forces shelled her home in Vuhledar, killing her whole family.  When first responders dug her from the rubble, a piece of shrapnel was lodged in her skull.  Her left thumb had been ripped off.  Doctors saved her life, but the attack left her right hand mostly paralyzed, and she can’t see out of her left eye. In her painting, Veronika drew herself in a bright pink and orange dress, holding a bouquet of flowers.  A building stands next to her.  When asked who lived there, she said it was a place where all the people she knew who had been killed in the war could be safe. “We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war…” That’s how the UN Charter begins. Fellow members of this council:  Now is the time to meet that promise.  There are so many people in Ukraine who want the same thing as that little girl, Veronika: a world where they can live in peace, in their own country, and keep the people they love safe. We have the power, we have the responsibility to create that world, today and for generations to come.  We cannot – we will not – let one country destroy it. Thank you.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2023年5月16日   迪尔克森参议院办公大楼（Dirksen Senate Office Building）   布林肯国务卿：默里（Murray）主席、柯林斯（Collins）副主席、国务及外交运作委员会（State and Foreign Ops）主席库恩斯（Coons）、资深委员格雷厄姆（Graham）、拨款委员会（Appropriations Committee）各位杰出委员，感谢你们让我今天有机会在这里作证。感谢你们让我们所有人汇聚一堂。   我也非常高兴与奥斯汀（Austin）部长和雷蒙多（Raimondo）部长一起来到这里。本届政府致力于领导一项两党合作的、举全政府之力的中国战略，以促进美国的利益和价值观，并为美国人民服务。   默里主席，关于你的观点，我认为我们确实站在一个拐点上。后冷战时代已经结束。目前正在展开一场激烈的竞争，以打造今后的走向。   中国——一个有意并且日益具备能力挑战我们自由、开放、安全和繁荣的国际秩序愿景的国家——是我们今天所面临的最重大的地缘政治挑战。   我们不能决定北京的道路， 我们也不能等待中国改变其轨迹。但我们可以使自己处于具备实力的地位，通过激烈竞争，打造中国周围的更广泛的战略环境，并推进我们的愿景。   我们不寻求与中国发生冲突或新的冷战。我们也不试图遏制中国。事实上，美国与中国保持着全面的贸易和投资关系，我们的大多数盟友及合作伙伴也是如此。然而，我们坚决主张去风险及多样化，而不是脱钩。这意味着投资建设我们自身的能力以及安全、有韧性的供应链，为我们的工人和企业争取公平竞争的环境，抵制有害的贸易行为，并确保美国和盟国的技术不被用来对付我们。   我们还致力于与盟友和伙伴合作，推进一个自由和开放的印太地区（Indo-Pacific）——一个和平并尊重基于规则的国际秩序的地区。   我们在谈及“自由和开放”时所指的是：国家有权自由选择自己的道路和合作伙伴，有关问题将通过公开方式而非胁迫性方式来解决。有关规则将透明地达成并公正地应用。货物、思想和人员将在陆地、海洋、天空和网络空间合法地、自由地流通。   世界正在关注我们——以及北京——如何处理这种关系。以一种负责任的方式——促进安全和繁荣并为事关美国人民和全球各地人们的共同挑战提供解决方案的方式——来管理这一关系符合我们的最佳战略利益。   去年，我有机会阐述本届政府对中华人民共和国的全面战略，即“投资、协同、竞争”。   我们在国内进行了历史性投资，包括两党共同支持的基础设施法、《芯片与科学法案》（CHIPS and Science Act）以及《通胀削减法案》（Inflation Reduction Act），以增强我们的竞争能力。   我们已与欧洲、亚洲及其他地区的重要伙伴协同合作，有条不紊地努力提升在世界各地的参与度——因此，我们在如何应对中国带来的挑战方面比以往任何时候都更趋于一致。   在竞争的同时，我们将努力在各个层级与中华人民共和国保持畅通的沟通渠道，以避免误判，并防止竞争转变为冲突。过去几周的高级别接触显示出这一承诺。   我们将目标明确地与中国接触，不是作为一种好处，或将接触本身作为目的，而是以反映我们的价值观以及我们可以找到的符合我们共同利益的合作领域的方式。这是全世界对负责任的大国的期望。   因此，我们将推动在气候危机、宏观经济稳定、公共卫生等重点要务中取得进展。我们将继续强调有必要遏制加剧芬太尼和合成阿片及其造成的危机的前体物流。我非常感谢本委员会在美国面临的这一最紧迫的挑战方面发挥的领导作用。   我们已经听到来自国会山两党成员表示，这一前所未有的挑战需要一个雄心勃勃的资源战略。我们对此非常赞同。这正是总统提出的2024财政年度（FY2024）国务院预算提案力争实现的目标：为我们提供资源和灵活性，以推进我们的战略。   这项预算使美国能够在印太地区提升我们的实力，那里是我们与中国竞争的前沿。印太地区是世界上最具活力和增长最快的地区——占世界人口的50%、占全球GDP的60%、占美国15大出口市场中的8个。它在美国国内支持着300万个工作岗位，为我国提供约9000亿美元的外国直接投资，并在过去5年中带动了约75%的全球经济增长。而中国也恰恰将其整整一半的援助以及经济和外交资源投入于印太地区。   我们的预算提案将使我们能够进一步深化我们在印太地区的外交影响力——从在太平洋岛国（Pacific Islands）开设新使团，到在该地区及其他地区迅速增加有关岗位，其中包括在与北京存在最大争议的技术、经济以及区域和国际组织等领域。   北京明白外交是一项至关重要的工具。这就是为什么它极大地投入于发展其自身的外交能力、扩大其自身的外交影响力，而且事实上，去年其外交预算的增长速度超过了其军事预算。今天，它在全球的外交驻地数量超过了美国。如果我们严肃认真地对待这场竞争，我们就必须在各个方面展现出同样的外交严肃性。   我们并不要求其他国家在美国和中国之间做出”选择”，相反，我们旨在提供一个更有吸引力的选择。如果我们能够引发一场争相向上的竞争，那就更好。各方都会从中受益。我们的预算使我们能够与志同道合的伙伴合作，加强我们的提案，确保它与世界各地人民的需求和愿望相关，并且能够对其作出回应。   这就是为什么预算中包括了20亿美元的新投资，用于建设高质量、可持续的基础设施，而不是那些低质量、不透明、具有掠夺性并造成有关国家陷入债务困境的项目。   这项20亿美元的投资将用于支持印太经济，帮助美国在中华人民共和国目前占主导地位的领域以及该地区的关键优先事项上展开竞争，其中包括海事安全、疾病监测、清洁能源、数字技术、海底通信电缆以及至关重要的矿产开采。   此外，它还包含70多亿美元资金用于通过《自由联系契约》（Compact of Free Association）扩展我们与自由联系邦（Freely Associated States）之间的经济联系。这是我们的印太和国家安全战略（National Security Strategy）的重要组成部分。   综上所述，这些资金流会确保我们能够应对一项时代的挑战，展示出我们对该地区主要国家面临的最重要的问题所做的长期承诺，以确保美国继续成为它们的首选伙伴。   在这决定性的十年里，我们——协同合作伙伴——的努力和投资，将决定我们能否成功推进对国际体系所共有的积极平等的愿景，还是中华人民共和国是否会侵蚀或取代保障世界和平、安全和稳定的全球规则和规范。   我很感谢本委员会的合作，持续提供应对这一挑战所需的资源和政策支持，也十分期待回答各位的提问。谢谢。   ________________________________________   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-opening-remarks-before-the-senate-committee-on-appropriations-on-the-presidents-fy24-budget-request/   本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE DIRKSEN SENATE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON, D.C. MAY 16, 2023 SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Chair Murray, Vice Chair Collins, State and Foreign Ops Chair Coons, Ranking Member Graham, distinguished members of the Appropriations Committee, thank you for this opportunity to testify before you today.  Thank you for bringing us all together. I’m very pleased as well to be here with Secretary Austin, Secretary Raimondo.  This administration is committed to leading a bipartisan, whole-of-government China strategy that advances U.S. interests and values and delivers for the American people. And to your point, Chair Murray, I think we do stand at an inflection point.  The post-Cold War era is over.  There is an intense competition underway to shape what comes next. China represents the most consequential geopolitical challenge that we face today: a country with the intent and, increasingly, the capability to challenge our vision for a free, open, secure, and prosperous international order. We cannot dictate Beijing’s path.  We cannot wait for China to change its trajectory.  But we can put ourselves in a position of strength to compete intensely to shape the broader strategic environment around China and to advance our vision. We do not seek conflict with China or a new Cold War.  We’re not trying to contain China.  And in fact, the United States continues to have a comprehensive trade and investment relationship with China, as do most of our allies and partners.  We are, however, resolutely for de-risking and diversifying, not decoupling.  That means investing in our own capacities and in a secure, resilient supply chain, pushing for a level playing field for our workers and companies, defending against harmful trade practices, and ensuring that the United States and allied technology is not used against us. We’re also committed to working with allies and partners to advance a free and open Indo-Pacific – one that is at peace and grounded in respect for a rules-based international order. When we talk about “free and open,” what we mean is this:  We mean countries being free to choose their own path and their own partners, and that problems will be dealt with openly, not coercively.  Rules will be reached transparently and applied fairly.  Goods, ideas, and people will flow lawfully and freely across the land, the seas, the skies, and cyberspace. The world is watching how we – and Beijing – manage this relationship.  And it’s in our best strategic interest to do so responsibly, in a way that promotes security and prosperity and delivers solutions on shared challenges that matter to the American people and to people around the world. Last year, I had an opportunity to set out the administration’s comprehensive PRC strategy to “invest, align, and compete.” We have made historic investments here at home – including the bipartisan infrastructure law, the CHIPS and Science Act, the Inflation Reduction Act – to strengthen our ability to compete. We’ve aligned our approach with key partners in Europe and Asia and beyond, working methodically to elevate our engagement around the world – and as a result, we have achieved greater convergence on how to deal with the challenges that China poses than ever before. As we compete, we will work to maintain open lines of communication at all levels with the PRC to avoid miscalculation, to prevent competition from veering into conflict.  Senior-level engagements over the past few weeks demonstrate that commitment. We will purposefully engage China, not as a favor, or with engagement as an end in and of itself, but in ways that reflect our values and where we can find areas of cooperation that are in our mutual interest. That’s what the world expects of responsible powers. So we’ll push for progress on priorities like the climate crisis, macroeconomic stability, public health.  We’ll continue to press the need to curb the flow of precursors that exacerbate fentanyl and synthetic opioids and the crisis that they pose.  And I very much appreciate the leadership of this committee on this most urgent challenge for the United States. We’ve heard from members in both parties, on both sides of the Hill, that this unprecedented challenge requires an ambitious resource strategy.  We very much agree.  That’s what the President’s proposed FY2024 State Department budget aims to do: to give us the resources and the agility to advance our strategy. This budget positions the United States to up our game in the Indo-Pacific: the frontline of our competition with China.  The Indo-Pacific is the most dynamic and fastest-growing region in the world – 50 percent of the world’s population, 60 percent of global GDP, eight of the top 15 U.S. export markets.  It supports 3 million jobs here in the United States, provides about $900 billion in foreign direct investment to our country, and it’s driven about 75 percent of global economic growth over the last five years.  China, as it happens, invests a full 50 percent of its assistance and economic and diplomatic resources in the Indo-Pacific. Our budget proposal will allow us to further deepen our diplomatic footprint in the Indo-Pacific – from new missions in the Pacific Islands, to a surge of new positions in the region and beyond, including in the areas of greatest contestation with Beijing like technology, economics, and regional and international organizations. Beijing understands that diplomacy is a critical tool.  It’s why it’s invested heavily in building up its own diplomatic capacity, its own diplomatic reach, and in fact it’s increased its diplomatic budget last year at a faster rate than its military one.  And today, it has more diplomatic posts around the world than the United States.  If we’re serious about this competition, we have to demonstrate the same diplomatic seriousness of purpose across the board. Now, we’re not demanding that other countries “choose” between us and China – but rather, we aim to offer a more attractive choice.  If we can spark a race to the top, so much the better.  That would be to everyone’s benefit.  Our budget sets us up to work with likeminded partners to strengthen our offer, and ensure it’s relevant and responsive to the needs and aspirations of people around the world. That’s why the budget includes $2 billion in new investments in high-quality, sustainable infrastructure, rather than low-quality, opaque, extractive projects that leave countries mired in debt. It would invest $2 billion to bolster Indo-Pacific economies and help the United States compete in areas where the PRC currently dominates and in key priorities for the region, including maritime security, disease surveillance, clean energy, digital technology, underseas communications cables, critical mineral mining. And it contains over $7 billion to extend our economic engagement with the Freely Associated States via the Compacts of Free Association.  That’s a critical component of our Indo-Pacific and National Security Strategy. Altogether, these funding streams ensure that we can meet a generational challenge and demonstrate our long-term commitment on issues that matter most to key countries in the region – so that the United States remains the partner of choice. During this decisive decade, our efforts and investments – together with our partners – will determine whether we succeed in advancing our shared affirmative vision for the international system, or whether the PRC can erode or replace the global rules and norms that guarantee peace, security, and stability in the world. I’m grateful for this committee’s partnership to sustain the resources and policies required by this challenge and very much look forward to taking your questions.  Thank you.

2023年7月7日 发言稿 很高兴今天能在这里与大家见面。谢谢各位前来参会。 我在这个关键的时候来到北京是因为，尽管我们两国之间存在分歧，但是拜登总统和我相信让我们的关系走上更好的轨道，同时保持开放和坦诚的沟通渠道符合我们两国人民的最佳利益。 这对于解决威胁我们所有人的长期的全球挑战尤为重要。作为全球最大的两个经济体，共同努力应对这些挑战符合我们的利益，也是世界对我们的期待。 气候变化位列全球挑战之首，而美国和中国必须共同努力来应对这项存在性威胁。 历史告诉我们，我们两个国家可以做些什么：美国和中国之间在气候领域的合作已经使得全球性的突破成为可能，包括《巴黎协定》。 我们两国都寻求支持正在力争实现其气候目标的新兴市场和发展中国家的伙伴，而我相信美中之间在气候融资方面的持续合作至关重要。 作为全球最大的两个温室气体排放方，也是全球最大的可再生能源投资方，我们都有一项共同的责任——以及能力——来发挥引领作用。 气候融资应具有高效且有效的针对性。我相信如果中国要与我们和其他捐助方政府一起支持如绿色气候基金和气候投资基金等现有的多边气候机制，我们可以带来比如今更大的影响。 同样至关重要的是，我们鼓励整个经济向净零排放过渡，这也包括私营部门。以对于我们不同的系统具有互操作性的方式，我们应努力增加与改善与气候相适应的投资。 上个月，我很高兴与包括李强总理在内的来自世界各地的领导人一起参加了在巴黎举行的新全球融资契约峰会（Summit for a New Global Financing Pact）。此次峰会是我们2023年议程中的一个重要政治时刻，以推进应对包括气候在内的全球挑战的行动。 接下来是即将召开的G20会议，我将前往印度参加会议。然后是世界银行集团与国际货币基金组织在马拉喀什的年会，接着是第28届联合国气候变化大会（COP28）。 在即将召开的财长和央行行长会议上，我期待收到各工作组提出的建议，包括美国和中国共同主持的可持续金融工作组。 在过去的三年里，可持续金融工作组制定了可持续融资路线图，举办了碳定价和非价格政策杠杆研讨会，制定了过渡融资框架，并就气候融资提出了一系列建议。这是一个很好的例子，说明了我们的双边合作能够取得什么样的成果——我们应该在此基础上在多边论坛上继续努力。 这既包括政府对政府的平台，也包括由学术界、智库、私营部门和非政府专家（如你们自己）召集的论坛。例如，我知道你们当中有几位参加了称为美中气候融资二轨对话。 鉴于正在变化的气候影响到所有国家，其中最脆弱的国家面临的负面影响最大，我期待着今天听到各位专家介绍他们更多的工作，特别是他们对我们如何在气候变化和气候融资方面更好地合作的看法。 谢谢大家！

July 7, 2023 As Prepared for Delivery   I am happy to be here today with all of you. Thank you for joining me.   I am in Beijing at this critical time because, while there are disagreements between our nations, President Biden and I believe it is in the best interests of our peoples to put our relationship on a better track and to maintain open and honest lines of communication.   This is particularly important for tackling longstanding global challenges that threaten us all. As the two largest economies in the world, it is in our interest to work together on these challenges, and it is something the world expects of us.   Climate change is at the top of the list of global challenges, and the United States and China must work together to address this existential threat.   History shows us what our two countries can do: moments of cooperation on climate between the United States and China have made global breakthroughs possible, including the Paris Agreement.   Both our countries seek to support partners in emerging markets and developing countries as they strive to meet their climate goals, and I believe continued U.S.-China cooperation on climate finance is critical.   As the world’s two largest emitters of greenhouse gases and the largest investors in renewable energy, we have both a joint responsibility – and ability – to lead the way.   Climate finance should be targeted efficiently and effectively. I believe that if China were to support existing multilateral climate institutions like the Green Climate Fund and the Climate Investment Funds alongside us and other donor governments, we could have a greater impact than we do today.   It is also critical that we encourage economy-wide transitions toward net-zero, which needs to include the private sector. We should work to increase and improve climate-aligned investment in ways that are interoperable to our different systems.   I was pleased last month to join colleagues from around the world, including Premier Li Qiang, at the Summit for a New Global Financing Pact in Paris. The Summit was an important political moment in our 2023 agenda to advance action on global challenges, including climate.   Next will be the upcoming G20 meetings, for which I will head to India, and then the Annual Meetings in Marrakech followed by COP 28.   At the upcoming Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors meeting, I look forward to receiving recommendations put forth by the various working groups – including the Sustainable Finance Working Group, which the United States and China co-chair.   Over the last three years, the Sustainable Finance Working Group has developed a roadmap for sustainable finance, held workshops on carbon pricing and non-pricing policy levers, developed a transition finance framework, and made a range of recommendations on climate finance. This is a good of example of what our bilateral cooperation can achieve – and we should build on it in multilateral forums.   This extends from government-to-government platforms to forums convened of academic, think tank, private sector, and non-government experts such as yourselves. For instance, I know several of you participate in the so-called U.S.-China Track II Dialogue on Climate Finance.   I look forward to hearing more about that work today, and other views you have on how we can better cooperate on climate change and climate finance specifically, given that the changing climate affects all countries, with the most vulnerable facing the most negative impacts.   Thank you.   ###

2020年12月9日美国东部标准时间下午03：41 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 佐治亚理工学院 佐治亚州亚特兰大市 ***** 在校园里，中国共产党最大的受害者有些其实是无辜的中国公民自己，这是一个悲剧……在普林斯顿大学，就在今年，中国政治课上的学生们被迫在他们的功课上使用化名，以免中国共产党发现他们的身份，并且根据严苛的新国家安全法，就自由表达关于香港和中国共产党的观点而起诉他们。 ***** 中国学生需要安全的空间来得悉他们所热爱的思想……美国大学中的中国学生……生活在恐惧中，害怕他们在中国的家人会因为他们在美国课堂上说的话而遭到逮捕、审讯、折磨——或更糟。 ***** 我们需要学生真正地代表言论自由―他们自己的言论自由、那些在美国这里长大的人的言论自由、以及特别是在我们的校园里的中国学生的言论自由。那些中国学生在我们的校园里是为了学习和了解， 为了改善他们的权利和生活，为了享受我们在美利坚合众国为他们提供的自由果实。 英文全文请见：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/the-chinese-communist-party-on-the-american-campus/

12/09/2020 03:41 PM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Georgia Institute of Technology Atlanta, Georgia ***** Some of the CCP’s biggest victims on campuses are innocent Chinese nationals themselves, and this is a tragedy … At Princeton, just this year, students in a Chinese politics class were forced to use code names on their work, lest the CCP discover their identities, and prosecute them for free expression of views on Hong Kong and the CCP under its draconian new national security law. ***** Chinese students need safe spaces to learn of the ideas that they love … Students from China at American universities … live in fear that their families back home will be arrested, will be interrogated, tortured – or worse – because of things they say in an American classroom. ***** We need students to truly stand for free speech – the free speech for themselves, those who grew up here in America, and especially the free speech of Chinese students who are on our campuses, who are here to study and learn and to improve their rights, their lives, and to enjoy the fruits of the freedom that we provide them here in the United States of America. ***** For the full text in English, click here: https://www.state.gov/the-chinese-communist-party-on-the-american-campus/

美国对中华人民共和国在南中国海从事恶性活动的某些国营企业和主管人员实施限制 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年8 月26 日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）发表声明 美国支持南中国海（South China Sea）的自由和开放。不论国家大小，我们尊重所有国家的主权，并要求按照国际法原则维护和平，捍卫海上自由。7月，我就北京对南中国海提出的非法索求宣布一项更新的政策，强调美国准备采取果断行动反对北京的霸权活动。 今天，国务院将开始以中华人民共和国对在南中国海有争议的岛礁大规模造岛、兴建或军事化，或中华人民共和国采取强制行为，阻挠东南亚各索求方接触离岸资源的行为负有责任或参与合谋的人员为对象实施签证限制。现在这些人员不得入境美国，他们的直系亲属也可能受到同样的签证限制。此外，商务部（Department of Commerce）已在实体名单（Entity List）上增添24个中华人民共和国的国营企业，其中包括中国交通建设公司的几个附属企业。 自2013年以来，中华人民共和国通过其国营企业对南中国海3,000多英亩有争议的地物进行挖掘和填造，破坏地区的稳定，践踏其邻国的主权，并导致无以数计的环境破坏。中华人民共和国在南中国海各岛礁进行破坏性的挖掘以中国交通建设公司为主，且该公司还是北京实施全球一带一路战略的主要承包方之一。中国交通建设公司及其附属企业已在世界各地采取腐败、掠夺性融资、破坏环境和其他各类恶行。   决不允许中华人民共和国以中国交通建设公司和其他国营企业为武器强制推行扩张性策略。美国将付诸行动，直至我们看到北京不再继续在南中国海采取强制性行为。我们将继续与盟国和伙伴共同抵制这种破坏稳定的活动。 阅读更多: 美国商务部将24家中国企业列入实体名单  美国国务院和商务部高级官员举行简报会

U.S. Imposes Restrictions on Certain PRC State-Owned Enterprises and Executives for Malign Activities in the South China Sea  PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE AUGUST 26, 2020 The United States supports a free and open South China Sea.  We respect the sovereign rights of all nations, regardless of size, and seek to preserve peace and uphold freedom of the seas in a manner consistent with international law.  In July, I announced an updated policy regarding Beijing’s unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea and emphasized that the United States was prepared to take firm action to oppose Beijing’s campaign of bullying. Today, the Department of State will begin imposing visa restrictions on People’s Republic of China (PRC) individuals responsible for, or complicit in, either the large-scale reclamation, construction, or militarization of disputed outposts in the South China Sea, or the PRC’s use of coercion against Southeast Asian claimants to inhibit their access to offshore resources.  These individuals will now be inadmissible into the United States, and their immediate family members may be subject to these visa restrictions as well.  In addition, the Department of Commerce has added 24 PRC state-owned enterprises to the Entity List, including several subsidiaries of China Communications Construction Company (CCCC). Since 2013, the PRC has used its state-owned enterprises to dredge and reclaim more than 3,000 acres on disputed features in the South China Sea, destabilizing the region, trampling on the sovereign rights of its neighbors, and causing untold environmental devastation.  CCCC led the destructive dredging of the PRC’s South China Sea outposts and is also one of the leading contractors used by Beijing in its global “One Belt One Road” strategy.  CCCC and its subsidiaries have engaged in corruption, predatory financing, environmental destruction, and other abuses across the world. The PRC must not be allowed to use CCCC and other state-owned enterprises as weapons to impose an expansionist agenda.  The United States will act until we see Beijing discontinue its coercive behavior in the South China Sea, and we will continue to stand with allies and partners in resisting this destabilizing activity. Click here to read: Commerce Department Adds 24 Chinese Companies to the Entity List for Helping Build Military Islands in the South China Sea Click here to read: Briefing With Senior State Department and Commerce Officials On State Department Visa Restrictions Placed on Individuals from the People’s Republic of China and Commerce Department Restrictions Placed on Chinese Corporate Entities

美国人有不同的肤色和民族。美国人信奉不同的宗教，有许多不同的生活方式。在地理区域之间，农村与城市之间以及社会阶层之间存在着重要差异。此外，来自世界各地的数百万移民为美国带来了自己的文化和价值，给美国生活增添了更多的多样性与特色。虽然美国人并不总是彼此同意，但他们被一个非常特别的东西联合在一起，那就是200多年前最初在美国宪法中所描述的价值观和理想。 也许高于一切的是，美国人认为自己是独立的个体。他们有强烈的家庭关系及对团体的强烈忠诚，但个人及个人权利是最重要的。如果这样的态度看起来好像很自私，它也让美国人真诚地尊重他人及坚持人人平等。 与这种尊重个人有关的是美国人独立与自力更生的特性。孩子们从小就被教导“要用自己的双脚站立”，这是一个表达独立的成语。诚实与坦率是美国人独立个性的另外两个方面，它们对美国人来说比个人荣誉或“面子”更重要。 美国人高度重视成就，这导致他们不断地相互竞争。你会发现友好及不太友好的竞争无处不在。美国人还痴迷于在体育、商业或甚至更平凡的事情上取得成就。另一方面，即使美国人经常是相互竞争的，他们也有良好的团队合作意识及与他人合作实现一个特定目标的意识。 美国人经常被指物质主义和以成功为趋导。一个人有多少钱，一桩商业交易赚多少利润，或一个人积累了多少物质财富往往是他们对成功的定义。这回到了美国的竞争性。然而，许多美国人不同意这样的成功定义；他们享受生活的简单快乐，既不过于野心勃勃，也不咄咄逼人。许多美国人在物质上成功的同时，仍然有时间去欣赏文化、精神和生活的人文层面。 公民权利 犯罪与司法  多样性与移民 家庭生活与青年 人口及人口统计 宗教 社会福利 志愿服务与慈善 女性

Americans come in all different colors and nationalities. Americans practice different religions, and live many different lifestyles. Important differences exist between geographical regions, between rural and urban areas, and between social classes. In addition, the presence of millions of immigrants who came to the United States from all corners of the world with their own culture and values adds even more variety and flavor to American life. Although Americans do not always agree with each other, they are united by a very special thing: the values and ideals that were originally described in the U.S. Constitution over 200 years ago. Probably above everything else, Americans consider themselves individuals. There are strong family ties and strong loyalties to groups, but individuality and individual rights are most important. If this seems like a selfish attitude, it also leads Americans to an honest respect for other individuals and an insistence on human equality. Related to this respect for individuality are American traits of independence and self- reliance. From an early age, children are taught to “stand on their own two feet,” an idiom meaning to be independent. Honesty and frankness are two more aspects of American individuality, and they are more important to Americans than personal honor or “saving face.” Americans place a high value on achievement and this leads them to constantly compete against each other. You will find friendly, and not-so-friendly, competition everywhere. Americans can also be obsessed with records of achievement in sports, in business, or even in more mundane things. On the other hand, even if Americans are often competitive, they also have a good sense of teamwork and of cooperating with others to achieve a specific goal. Americans are often accused of being materialistic and driven to succeed. How much money a person has, how much profit a business deal makes, or how many material goods an individual accumulates is often their definition of success. This goes back to American competitiveness. Many Americans, however, do not agree with this definition of success; they enjoy life’s simple pleasures and are neither overly ambitious nor aggressive. Many Americans are materially successful and still have time to appreciate the cultural, spiritual, and human aspects of life. Civil Rights The Civil Rights Movement and the Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. (PDF 155 KB) Free at Last: The U.S. Civil Rights Movement (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 218 KB) Justice for All: The Legacy of Thurgood Marshall (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.65 MB) Crime & Justice Crime in the United States (U.S. Department of Justice – Federal Bureau of Investigation) Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics (Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice) Diversity & Immigration The African-American Mosaic: A Library of Congress Resource Guide for the Study of Black History & Culture (PDF 1.11 MB) Immigrants Joining the Mainstream (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 2.11 MB) Muslim Life in America (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.39 MB) Now That I’m Here: What America’s Immigrants Have to Say About Life in the U.S. (a report by Public Agenda) Portrait of the USA: One from Many (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 71 KB) Family Life & Youth The American Family (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 474 KB) American Teenagers (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.89 MB) Growing Up Healthy (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.59 MB) Population & Demographics The Changing Demographic Profile of the United States (CRS Report) (PDF 161 KB) Population Profile of the United States (U.S. Census Bureau) Religion Americans Struggle with Religion’s Role at Home and Abroad (a joint survey by the Pew Forum and the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press) (PDF 306 KB) A New Religious America (excerpt from the book A NEW RELIGIOUS AMERICA by Diana L. Eck) (PDF 149 KB) Portrait of the USA: Separating Church and State (PDF 60 KB) Religion on the Stump: Politics and Faith in America (The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life) (PDF 141 KB) Religious Freedom as a Human Right (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 144 KB) Social Welfare The ADA: Your Employment Rights as an Individual With a Disability (The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) Disability and Ability (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 5.44 MB) Disibility Rights Movement Timeline (Federal Transit Administration, U.S. Department of Transportation) The Future of Social Security (U.S. Social Security Administration) (PDF 883 KB) Volunteerism & Philanthropy Giving: U.S. Philanthropy (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 3.86 MB) The United States: A Nation of Volunteers (Electronic Journal, Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 865 KB) Volunteering in the United States (Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor) (PDF 146 KB) Women Making a Difference in the U.S.A.: Women in Politics (published by Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.44 MB) Women of Influence (published by Bureau of International Information Program, U.S. Department of State) (PDF 1.61 MB)

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022 年 3 月 24 日 美国与我们的欧洲伙伴密切合作，向乌克兰提供人道主义、民主和人权援助，作为最大的单一捐助国，我们为此感到自豪。我们继续致力于确保受普京总统侵略战争影响的人能够获得食物和清洁水、住所和医疗服务，特别是妇女、儿童、男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者、酷儿、间性人等人士（LGBTQI+）以及残疾人等弱势群体。除了帮助乌克兰境内有需要的人外，我们还支持乌克兰邻国和欧盟欢迎和收容数百万难民的努力。我们将尽自己的一份力量欢迎乌克兰人前来美国。 今天，美国宣布，鉴于俄罗斯对乌克兰发动的战争及其对世界各地的严重影响（包括粮食不安全问题显著加剧），我们准备在今后数月内提供超过 10 亿美元的新增人道主义援助资金。这笔资金将用于提供食物、住所、清洁水、医疗用品和其他形式的援助。我们还宣布向乌克兰及其邻国追加 3.2 亿美元的民主和人权资金。自 2021 年以来，美国向欧洲和欧亚地区提供了超过 11 亿美元的经济、卫生、民主和人权以及人道主义援助。 除了提供人道主义援助，美国还继续支持乌克兰和该地区的公共卫生举措，以遏制脊髓灰质炎、肺结核和新型冠状病毒等传染病的传播，并帮助确保患者继续获得医疗服务。在我们共同反对独裁和侵略的同时，我们将继续致力于捍卫和加强乌克兰及其邻国的民主治理、人权和反腐败斗争。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/03/24/fact-sheet-the-biden-administration-announces-new-humanitarian-development-and-democracy-assistance-to-ukraine-and-the-surrounding-region/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。 ###

FACT SHEET: The Biden Administration Announces New Humanitarian, Development, and Democracy Assistance to Ukraine and the Surrounding Region MARCH 24, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES The United States is proud to be the largest single donor of humanitarian, democracy, and human rights assistance to Ukraine, working closely with our European partners. We remain committed to ensuring those affected by President Putin’s war of aggression, especially vulnerable populations such as women, children, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons, and persons with disabilities, are able to access food, clean water, shelter, and medical care. In addition to assisting people in need within Ukraine, we are supporting the efforts of Ukraine’s neighbors and the European Union to welcome and host millions of refugees. And we will do our part to welcome Ukrainians to the United States. Today, the United States is announcing that we are prepared to provide more than $1 billion in new funding towards humanitarian assistance for those affected by Russia’s war in Ukraine and its severe impacts around the world, including a marked rise in food insecurity, over the coming months. This funding will provide food, shelter, clean water, medical supplies and other forms of assistance. We are also announcing an additional $320 million in democracy and human rights funding to Ukraine and its neighbors. Since 2021, the United States has provided over $1.1 billion in economic, health, democracy and human rights, and humanitarian assistance to the Europe and Eurasia region. In addition to our humanitarian assistance, the United States continues to support public health initiatives in Ukraine and the region to tamp down the spread of communicable diseases like polio, tuberculosis, and COVID, and to help ensure patients continue to have access to medical care. And we remain committed to defending and strengthening democratic governance, human rights, and the fight against corruption in Ukraine and its neighbors, as together we reject autocracy and aggression. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年9月26日   安东尼·布林肯国务卿的声明 美国今天承诺追加提供4.575亿美元民事安全援助，以加强乌克兰执法和刑事司法机构为提高他们的行动能力并拯救生命所做的努力，他们正在继续帮助保卫乌克兰人民、他们的自由和他们的民主，以抵御克里姆林宫残酷的侵略战争。 自2021年12月中旬至今，美国已承诺提供超过6.45亿美元援助，对我们的乌克兰执法和刑事司法合作伙伴产生了切实的积极影响，其中包括乌克兰国家警察（National Police of Ukraine）和国家边防警卫局（State Border Guard Service）。我们提供的个人防护设备、医疗用品和装甲车大大减少了乌克兰平民及其保卫者的伤亡。乌克兰执法人员继续坚持不懈、积极主动、坚定不移地执行他们范围广泛的执法使命，并支持面临俄罗斯持续炮击的城镇中的无辜平民。 除了扩大我们对乌克兰执法部门的直接援助外，这批新援助中的一部分还将继续支持乌克兰政府记录、调查和起诉俄罗斯军队犯下的暴行，借助于我们与乌克兰刑事司法机构的长期关系，其中包括乌克兰总检察长办公室（Ukrainian Office of the Prosecutor General）及乌克兰国家警察负责战争罪行的部门。 美国与乌克兰人民肩并肩地站在一起，并继续致力于支持一个民主的、独立的、享有主权的乌克兰。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/457-5-million-in-new-u-s-civilian-security-assistance-for-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 26, 2022 The United States today committed an additional $457.5 million in civilian security assistance to enhance the efforts of Ukrainian law enforcement and criminal justice agencies to improve their operational capacity and save lives as they continue to help defend the Ukrainian people, their freedom, and their democracy from the Kremlin’s brutal war of aggression. Since mid-December 2021, the United States has now committed more than $645 million in assistance that has provided a tangible, positive impact on our Ukrainian law enforcement and criminal justice partners, including the National Police of Ukraine (NPU) and State Border Guard Service.  Our provision of personal protective equipment, medical supplies, and armored vehicles has significantly reduced casualties for Ukrainian civilians and their defenders.  Ukrainian law enforcement officers remain resilient, motivated, and determined to carry out their wide-ranging law enforcement missions and support for innocent civilians in towns and cities facing continuous Russian shelling. In addition to expanding our direct assistance to Ukrainian law enforcement, a portion of this new assistance will also continue U.S. support for the Ukrainian government’s efforts to document, investigate, and prosecute atrocities perpetrated by Russia’s forces, drawing on our long-standing relationship with Ukrainian criminal justice agencies, including the Ukrainian Office of the Prosecutor General and the NPU’s war crimes unit. The United States stands side-by-side with the Ukrainian people and remains committed to supporting a democratic, independent, and sovereign Ukraine.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年11月14日   拜登总统在记者会上的讲话   印度尼西亚巴厘岛 君悦大酒店（Grand Hyatt Hotel）   印尼中部时间晚10:03   总统：欢迎来到巴厘岛。（笑声）。有请。   各位晚上好。让我先谈谈最近在美国举行的选举。   我们看到的是美国民主的力量和韧性，而且我们已看到它在行动。美国人民再次证明，民主就是我们的特性。   并且在每个层面都有对否认选举者的强烈拒斥，从那些寻求领导我们各州的人到那些寻求在国会任职的人，再到那些寻求监督选举的人。   对政治暴力及恐吓选民也有强烈拒斥。   在美国有一种强有力的说法：人民的意志占了上风。   我——我这周出访各地，显而易见的是，全世界、我们的盟友和我们的竞争对手都一直如此密切地关注我们在国内的选举。   （清嗓子）对不起，我有点感冒。   这些选举表明，美国对维护、保护和捍卫民主有着深刻而坚定的承诺。   现在，让我简要谈谈我们过去几天在埃及、柬埔寨和印度尼西亚这里的议程。   在全球面临巨大挑战的时刻——从全球通胀到气候危机，再到俄罗斯对乌克兰的残酷战争——我们正在汇集尽可能广泛的合作伙伴联盟以取得成果。   在埃及举行的第 27 届联合国气候变化大会（COP27）上，我明确表示，由于我们政府从一开始就采纳了大胆的议程来应对气候危机并促进国内和世界各地的能源和安全，美国将达到——美国将达到《巴黎协定》（Paris Agreement）所规定的排放目标。   我们将继续与我们的合作伙伴共同努力，支持最脆弱的国家建立抵御气候影响的能力，并使全球雄心与1.5摄氏度的目标保持一致，同时大力加速我们的清洁能源转型。   在美国–东盟峰会（U.S.-ASEAN Summit）和东亚峰会（East Asia Summit）上，我阐明了一项承诺，与我们在印太地区的合作伙伴共同努力，以确保未来——这对该地区至关重要，自由、开放和繁荣，而且安全。   我会见了来自澳大利亚、日本和大韩民国的盟友，强调了我们的承诺，加深了同我们最亲密的合作伙伴的参与，并加强了我们盟友之间的合作，以应对对我们自身安全以及他们的安全的共同威胁，其中包括朝鲜民主主义人民共和国。   让我会见——我刚刚与中华人民共和国国家主席习近平会面。我们——（清嗓子）——对不起——我们就我们的意图和我们的优先要务进行了公开坦诚的对话。很清楚——他很清楚，我也很清楚——我们将捍卫美国的利益和价值观，促进普世人权，维护国际秩序，并与我们的盟友及合作伙伴步调一致。   我们将进行激烈的竞争。但我不希望冲突，我正在寻求负责任地管理这一竞争。   我要确保——确保每个国家都遵守国际行路规则。我们讨论了这一点。   一个中国政策——我们的一个中国政策没有改变——没有改变。我们反对任何一方单方面改变现状，并致力于维护台湾海峡的和平与稳定。   我也表明，中国和美国应能在我们能够合作的领域共同努力，以解决需要每个国家都尽其所能的全球性挑战。   我们讨论了俄罗斯对乌克兰的进犯，重申了我们一致认为使用核武器的威胁是完全不可接受的。   我已请布林肯国务卿前往中国跟进我们的有关磋商，并继续保持我们两国之间的沟通渠道畅通。   展望明天的G20会议，我们将讨论与人民生活息息相关的问题，不仅在这里，还有我们的盟友和合作伙伴。   这意味着要消除俄罗斯的侵略给乌克兰人民和世界人民带来的苦难，特别是粮食不安全，并为所有的人加强全球经济的基本面：支持债务减免、推动多边开发银行的改革、投资加强全球卫生安全，确保世界为下一次大规模流行病爆发做好准备。   G20一直是世界上最大的经济体为世界各地人民的福祉而协作的重要论坛，我期待着我们明天的会议。   现在，让我用一句话作为结语：去年我第一次出国访问时，我说美国回来了——回家了，回到了国际事务中，也回到了领导世界的位置。   在这之后的一年半里，我们已经明确展示了这意味着什么。美国正在信守承诺。美国正在投资于我们在国内的实力。美国正在与我们的盟友和合作伙伴一起努力在世界范围内推动真正的、有意义的进步。在这个关键时刻，没有哪个国家比美利坚合众国更有能力帮助建设我们憧憬的未来。   现在我很乐意回答问题。我被告知会有四个提问者，但如果每个提问者各自提出 10 个问题，我不可能全部回答，好吗？我希望一开始就说明这一点。   还有——（笑声）——好的。肯·托马斯（Ken Thomas），《华尔街日报》。   问：谢谢您，总统先生。您在这次会谈开始时表示您不希望——您不希望竞争演变成冲突。基于今天的这次会谈，您认为与中国的新冷战可以避免吗？   具体来说，在台湾问题上，您谈到了意图。您是否认为中国正在准备、打算在某个时候入侵台湾吗？如果习主席采取这种行动，您对他有何警告？   总统：回答您问题的第一部分，我绝对相信不需要一场新的冷战。我们——我与习近平多次会面，我们在所有问题上都彼此表达了坦率而明确的看法。我认为中国方面没有任何迫切的企图入侵台湾。   另外，我明确表示，我们对台湾的政策根本没有改变。这是我们的一贯立场。我明确表示，我们希望看到两岸问题和平解决。所以永远不必走到那一步。   我确信——他完全理解我在说什么。我也理解他在说什么。   而且，您看，我认为美国在经济和政治上比世界上任何国家都准备得更充分，能够应对世界各地不断变化的情况。   而且我认为——我认为习近平——我们同意我们将基于一些问题建立一套特定的环境——在这些问题上我们需要进一步就细节进行磋商，我们同意我们将让我们的主管官员——我们的有关内阁成员和其他人坐下来会谈，讨论我们提出的每一个问题的细节。我们提出了很多问题。   尚·金（Seung Kim），美联社。   问：谢谢您，总统先生。您以前曾经与习主席会晤，在他毫无疑问地巩固了他在国内的权力之后，您又当面会见了他。那么，既然您已经和他面对面会谈，您如何评估他现在对美国的态度？您发现他个人更具有对抗性还是更愿意和解和妥协？   总统：两者都不是。请说。   问：能详细说明一下吗？   总统：是的，我没有发现他更具对抗性或更愿意和解。我认为他一直就是这样：直截了当。   我认为他愿意在一些问题上妥协吗？是的。我想他明白——您看，我认为——我怎么委婉地说呢？我认为——我认为在美国举行的选举——虽然仍有少许变数——已经向全世界发出了一个非常强烈的信息，即美国已经为参与做好准备。   美国——继续当选的共和党人，以及民主党人，都认为我们要继续在世界上保持全面参与，事实上，我们知道我们在做什么。所以我不觉得有更多或更少的对抗。   对于我们有分歧的地方或我们不确定彼此立场的地方，我们相互之间直言不讳。我们同意我们要建立——我们确实建立了——一些机制，我们将与我们的——我们双方政府中的关键人物会详细讨论我们如何去解决这些问题，或者如果问题没有解决，没有解决的依据是什么。   塞巴斯蒂安·史密斯（Sebastian Smith），法新社。   问：非常感谢您，总统先生。它真的很近（指麦克风）。   总统：（笑声）   问：抱歉，我通常说话声音没有那么大。   在您看来，在乌克兰夺回赫尔松是不是标志着战争的一个转折点，乌克兰人——乌克兰人能够由此切实走向将俄罗斯人完全驱逐的目标，包括重新夺回克里米亚？如果是这样，美国是不是有意支持和促进这一目标，就像迄今为止您对他们的其他目标那样？还是说，也许您会将赫尔松当作一种不同的拐点，基本来说是一个开始谈判的好时机，因为现在他们有了，您知道，比几周前更多的实力？   总统：首先，这对乌克兰是一个重大、重大的胜利。一个重大的胜利。我能做的只是为乌克兰人民和乌克兰军队的勇敢、坚毅和能力鼓掌。我的意思是，他们非常了不起。   我认为，眼下很难确切判断这意味着什么，就——但我一直很明确，我们将继续为乌克兰人民保家卫国提供能力支持。我们不会参与任何谈判。没有——没有乌克兰，就无法谈关于乌克兰。这是一个必须由乌克兰来做的决定。   我认为，人们将看到局势稍微放缓一些，因为冬季以及不能再那么容易地在全国移动。但我认为确切结果将怎样还需拭目以待，然而我坚信俄罗斯将不会像他们最初企图的那样占领或抵御乌克兰。   嗯——我有点看不清楚。路透社，纳坦迪亚[南迪塔]·博斯（Natandya [Nandita] Bose）。   问：谢谢您，总统先生。   总统：哦，您在那里。   问：一个有关朝鲜的简短问题。朝鲜看来要进行一次新的核试验。不知您是否能谈谈您和习主席在这方面的具体讨论。   您认为中国有多大能力说服朝鲜不要进行这样的试验？如果试验继续推进，对美中关系会产生什么恶果？   总统：首先，很难说我笃定中国能够控制朝鲜。这是第一。   第二，我对习近平主席明确表示，我认为他们有责任努力向朝鲜表明他们不应进行远程核试验。我也明确表示如果他们——“他们”指朝鲜——进行了试验，我们将不得不采取某些对我们更具防卫性的行动，它不会针对朝鲜——我是说——对不起——它不会针对中国，但是它将向朝鲜发出一个明确的信息。我们将捍卫我们的盟国，以及美国的领土和美国的能力。   那么——但是我不认为——确定中国是否有那种能力是困难的。我相信中国不希望朝鲜采用进一步升级的手段。但是我清楚表明——我从一开始就清楚表明，还有在去年，我们将采取所需措施，捍卫我们的能力，捍卫我们自己和我们的盟国——韩国以及日本——而这将会——我们将会更位于中国面前。但这将不是因为中国，而是因为朝鲜正在出现的情况。   所以——再次地，针对这样一些问题，我们建立了团队，我们的国家安全顾问、国防部长以及其他人将与他们的中国对等官员互动，以便看看——   我们不会解决所有问题。我没有暗示这将是——这是欢聚一堂，您知道，所有人在离开时都就一切达成了一致。但我不认为需要担心，就像你们当中一位问的合理问题，一场新的冷战。   我认为——我将这样来结束我的话：   我要明确一点，与所有领导人明确一点，但是特别要与习近平，这就是，我实话实说，心口一致，从而不会有误解。最大的担忧——我具有的是，我们各个方面对意图或行动有误解。   所以我们想——我要看着我的团队——那个会举行了多长时间？   布林肯国务卿：三个半小时。   总统：三个半小时。那么我们涉及了很广泛的内容。而且——而且我必须说，他像过去和我在一起时一样直截了当。我——我认为我们彼此理解，这是能够做的最重要的事。   我猜你们大家都要离开这里去游泳。不很远。（笑声）但是——   问：总统先生，在中期选举后，美国人民在堕胎权利方面能从国会期待什么？   总统：我不认为，除了我们将保持我们的立场外，他们能有多少期待。   我将不再回答更多问题。我其实不应回答你的问题。   问：（听不清）写入法典？你曾说你会努力——你计划写入法典。   问：总统先生，你可不可以回答——   总统：不，不，我不认为——   问：来自一个印度尼西亚人的提问？   总统：我不认为有足够的票数写入法典，除非众议院出现特殊情况。我认为我们在众议院将非常接近。但是我不认为——我认为将会非常接近，但是我不认为我们能达成。   谢谢。   印尼中部时间晚10:19     欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/11/14/remarks-by-president-biden-in-a-press-conference-bali-indonesia/   本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

NOVEMBER 14, 2022 Grand Hyatt Hotel Bali, Indonesia 10:03 P.M. CIT THE PRESIDENT:  Welcome to Bali.  (Laughs.)  Please. Good evening, everyone.  Let me start with a few words about the recent elections held in the United States. What we saw was the strength and resilience of the American democracy, and we saw it in action.  And the American people proved once again that democracy is who we are. And there was a strong rejection of election deniers at every level, from those seeking to lead our states and those seeking to serve in Congress and also those seeking to oversee the elections. And there was a strong rejection of political violence and voter intimidation. There was an emphatic statement that in America, the will of the people prevails. I have — I’ve traveled this week, and it’s been clear just how closely the world and our allies and our competitors as well have been following our elections at home. (Clears throat.)  Excuse me, I have a little cold. And what these elections showed is that there is a deep and unwavering commitment in America to preserving and protecting and defending democracy. Now, let me speak briefly about our agenda over the past few days in Egypt and in Cambodia and here in Indonesia. In this moment of great global challenges — from global inflation, to the climate crisis, to Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine — we’re bringing together the broadest possible coalition of partners to deliver results. At COP27 in Egypt, I made it clear that thanks to the bold agenda of our administration we pursued from day one to tackle the climate crisis and advance energy and security at home and around the world, the United States will meet — the United States will meet our emissions target under the — targets under the Paris Agreement. And we’re going to keep working with our partners to support the most vulnerable countries in building resilience to climate impacts and to align global ambition with the 1.5-degree Celsius goal while super-charging our clean energy transition. At the U.S.-ASEAN Summit and the East Asia Summit, I laid out a commitment to working with our partners in the Indo-Pacific to ensure a future that — that’s vital of this region, that’s free and open and prosperous, as well as secure. And I met with our allies from Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea, underscoring our commitment and deepening our engagement with our closest partners, and strengthening cooperation among our allies to meet shared threats to our own security and to their security, including the DPRK. And let me meet — I just met in person with Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China.  We had — (clears throat) — excuse me — we had an open and candid conversation about our intentions and our priorities.  It was clear — he was clear and I was clear — that we’ll defend American interests and values, promote universal human rights, and stand up for the international order, and work in lockstep with our allies and partners. We’re going to compete vigorously.  But I’m not looking for conflict, I’m looking to manage this competition responsibly. And I want to make sure — make sure that every country abides by the international rules of the road.  And we discussed that. The One China policy — our One China policy has not changed — has not changed.  We oppose unilateral change in the status quo by either side, and we’re committed to maintaining the peace and stability in the Taiwan Straits. I was also clear that China and the United States should be able to work together where we can to solve global challenges that require every nation to do its part. We discussed Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, reaffirmed our shared belief in the threat where the use of nuclear weapons is totally unacceptable. And I asked that Secretary Blinken travel to China to follow up on our discussions and continue keeping the lines of communication open between our two countries. Looking ahead at the G20 meetings tomorrow, we’re going to be talking — taking on the very issues that matter to the people’s lives, not only here but also — also our allies and our partners. That means tackling the suffering that Russia aggression has unleashed, not just on Ukrainian people, but the people around world, particularly food insecurity, and strengthening the fundamentals of our global economy for everyone: support for debt relief, reforms for multilateral development banks, investments to bolster global health security and to make sure the world is better prepared for the next pandemic. The G20 has been an important forum for the world’s largest economies to work together for the good of people everywhere, and I’m looking forward to our meetings tomorrow. Now, let me close with this: On my first trip overseas last year, I said that America was back — back at home, back at the table, and back to leading the world. In the year and a half that’s followed, we’ve shown exactly what that means.  America is keeping its commitments.  America is investing in our strength at home.  America is working alongside our allies and partners to deliver real, meaningful progress around the world.  And at this critical moment, no nation is better positioned to help build the future we want than the United States of America. Now I’m happy to take questions.  And I’m told there are going to be four questioners, but I’m not going to do 10 questions from each questioner, all right?  I’ll make that clear at the outset here. And — (laughs) — so, Ken Thomas, Wall Street Journal. Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You said at the outset of this meeting that you did not want — you did not want competition to turn into conflict.  Based on this meeting today, do you believe a new Cold War with China can be avoided? And specifically, on the issue of Taiwan, you spoke about intentions.  Do you believe China is preparing, intending to invade Taiwan at some point?  And what warnings did you issue to President Xi if he were to take such action? THE PRESIDENT:  Well, to answer the first part of your question, I absolutely believe there’s need not be a new Cold War.  We — I’ve met many times with Xi Jinping, and we were candid and clear with one another across the board.  And I do not think there’s any imminent attempt on the part of China to invade Taiwan. And I made it clear that our policy in Taiwan has not changed at all.  It’s the same exact position we’ve had.  I made it clear that we want to see cross-strait issues peacefully resolved.  And — and so it never has to come to that. And I’m convinced that — that he understood exactly what I was saying.  I understood what he was saying. And, look, I think the United States is better prepared than any country in the world, economically and politically, to deal with the changing circumstances around the world. And I think that — I think Xi Jinping is — we agreed that we would set up a certain set of circumstances where on issues that were — that we had to further resolve details, we agreed that we would have our chief of sta- — our — the appropriate Cabinet members and others sit and meet with one another to discuss the details of any — every issue that we — that was raised, and we raised a lot of issues. Seung Kim, Associated Press. Q    Thank you, Mr. President.  You met with President Xi and you met with him face-to-face after he had unquestionably consolidated his power at home.  So now that you’ve met with him face-to-face, how do you assess his sort of posture towards the United States now?  And did you find him personally to be more confrontational or more conciliatory and willing to compromise? THE PRESIDENT:  Neither.  And yes. Q    Can you elaborate? THE PRESIDENT:  Yes, I didn’t find him more confrontational or more conciliatory.  I found him the way he’s always been: direct and straightforward. And do I think he’s willing to compromise on various issues?  Yes.  I think he understands that — look, I think — how can I say this tactfully?  I think the — I think the election held in the United States was — still leaves a little bit uncertain — has sent a very strong message around the world that the United States is ready to play. The United States is — the Republicans who survived ,and along with the Democrats, are of the view that we’re going to stay fully engaged in the world and that we, in fact, know what we’re about.  And so I don’t get any sense that there’s more or less confrontation. We were very blunt with one another about places where we disagreed or where we were uncertain of each other’s position.  And we agreed we’d set up — and we did — mechanisms whereby we would meet in detail with our — the key people in each of our administrations to discuss how we could resolve them, or how, if they weren’t resolved, on what basis were they not resolved. Sebastian Smith, the Asso- — the AFP. Q    Thank you very much, Mr. President.  It’s truly close.  (Refers to microphone.) THE PRESIDENT:  (Laughs.) Q    Excuse me, I don’t usually talk that loudly. Does the retaking of Kherson in Ukraine signal a turning point in the war, in your opinion, that the Ukrainians — where the Ukrainians could realistically pursue their ultimate goal of expelling the Russians completely, including retaking Crimea?  If so, does the U.S. intend to support and facilitate that goal as you’ve been doing so far with their other goals?  Or would you perhaps see Kherson as a different kind of inflection point, basically a good time to start negotiating now that they’ve got some more strength than they had, you know, a few weeks ago? THE PRESIDENT:  First of all, it was a significant, significant victory for Ukraine.  A significant victory.  And I can do nothing but applaud the courage, determination, and capacity of the Ukrainian people and Ukrainian military.  I mean, they have really been amazing. And I think it’s hard to tell at this point exactly what it means in terms of — but I’ve been very clear that we’re going to continue to provide the capability for the Ukrainian people to defend themselves.  And we are not going to engage in any negotiation.  There’s no — nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine.  This is a decision Ukraine has to make. I think you’re going to see things slow down a bit because of the winter months and the inability to move as — as easily around the country.  But I think it remains to be seen exactly what the outcome will be, except that I’m confident that Russia will not occupy or defend Ukraine as they intended from the beginning. Um — uh, I’m having trouble reading this.  Reuters, Natandya [Nandita] Bose. Q    Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, there you are. Q    A quick question on North Korea, which appears poised to conduct a new nuclear test.  I’m wondering if you can talk about your specific discussions with President Xi on that. To what extent do you think China has the ability to talk North Korea out of conducting such tests?  And what are the repercussions for U.S.-Chinese relations if a test goes forward? THE PRESIDENT:  Well, first of all, it’s difficult to say that I am certain that — that China can control North Korea, number one. Number two, I’ve made it clear to President Xi Jinping that I thought they had an obligation to attempt to make it clear to North Korea that they should not engage in long-range nuclear tests.  And I made it clear as well that if they did — “they” meaning North Korea — that we would have to take certain actions that would be more defensive on our behalf, and it would not be directed against North Korea — I mean — excuse me — it would not be directed against China, but it would be to send a clear message to North Korea.  We are going to defend our allies, as well as American soil and American capacity. And so — but I do not think that — it’s difficult to determine whether or not China has the capacity.  I’m confident China is not looking for North Korea to engage in further escalatory means.  Because I made it clear — and I made it clear from the very beginning, and last year as well, that we will do what it needs to defend our capacity, to defend ourselves and our allies — South Korea, as well as Japan — and that it would be — we’d be more up in the face of China.  But it wouldn’t be because of China, it’d be because of what was going on in North Korea. So — and, again, on a number of these issues, we have put together teams where our National Security Advisor, Secretary of Defense, and others are going to be engaging with their counterparts in China to see — And we’re not going to be able to work everything out.  I’m not suggesting it’s going — this is kumbaya, you know, everybody is going go away with everything in agreement.  But I do not believe there’s a need for concern of a, as one of you raised the legitimate question, a new Cold War. And I think that — I’ll conclude by saying it this way: I want to be clear, and be clear with all leaders, but particularly with Xi Jinping, that I mean what I say and I say what I mean, so there’s no misunderstanding.  That’s the biggest concern is — I have is a misunderstanding about intentions or actions on each of our parts. So we wanted to — I’ll look at my team — how long did that meeting last? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Three and a half hours. THE PRESIDENT:  Three and a half hours.  So we covered an awful lot of territory.  And — and I must say that he was as straightforward as he has been with me in the past.  And I — I think that we understand one another, which is the most important thing that can be done. I guess all of you are going swimming from here.  It’s not far.  (Laughter.)  But — Q    Mr. President, what should Americans expect from Congress as it relates to abortion rights after the midterms? THE PRESIDENT:  I don’t think they can expect much of anything other than we’re going to maintain our positions. I’m not going to get into more questions.  I shouldn’t even have answered your question. Q    (Inaudible) codify?  You had said you would try — you would plan to codify. Q    Mr. President, will you take — THE PRESIDENT:  No, no, I don’t think that — Q    — a question from an Indonesian? THE PRESIDENT:  I don’t think there’s enough votes to codify, unless something happens unusual in the House.  I think we’re going to get very close in the House.  But I don’t — I think it’s going to be very close, but I don’t think we’re going to make it. Thank you. 10:19 P.M. CIT

Michael R. Pompeo speaking at International Commitment to Protect Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief 今天，我们纪念第一个基于宗教或信仰的暴力行为受害者国际纪念日。这一天提醒人们需要促进和保护不可剥夺的宗教自由权利，以及各国未能这样做的后果。 促进宗教或信仰自由是全球社会的责任，也是特朗普行政当局的一项重要外交政策优先事项。因宗教导致的迫害继续增加，特别是在中国、伊朗和缅甸等国家。为了应对这一挑战，我上个月在华盛顿召开了第二届推进宗教自由部长级会议。这是国务部历史上同类活动中规模最大的一次活动，聚集了一千多名公民社会和宗教团体成员、一百多个政府，以及来自几乎每个信仰群体和无信仰群体的宗教迫害幸存者。我们一起向宗教界、政界和各族群发出了全球致力于反抗迫害和促进人人享有宗教自由的明确信息。 任何人都不应因为他们的信仰、改变信仰或改变他们在信仰群体中的成员身份而面临迫害。所有政府都有责任保护人们免受伤害，无论他们是何信仰，并追究迫害凶手的责任。

Today we mark the first International Day Commemorating the Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief. This day serves as a reminder of the need to promote and protect the unalienable right of religious freedom, and the consequences when countries fail to do so. Promoting freedom of religion or belief is a responsibility of the global community, and it is a key foreign policy priority for the Trump Administration. Persecution on account of religion continues to rise, especially in countries like China, Iran, and Burma. To address this challenge, I convened the second Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom in Washington last month. The largest event of its kind in the history of the State Department, it brought together more than a thousand members of civil society and religious communities, more than a hundred governments, and survivors of religious persecution from almost every faith community and none. Together, we sent a clear message across religious, political, and ethnic lines of a global commitment to fight persecution and promote religious freedom for all. No one should face persecution on account of their faith, for changing beliefs, or switching their membership in a belief community. All governments have a duty to protect people from harm regardless of their beliefs, and to hold perpetrators of persecution accountable.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年2月25日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥对新闻界发表讲话 简报室 [摘译] 国务卿蓬佩奥：诸位早上好。很高兴会见大家。诸位都知道，特朗普总统（President Trump）正在访问我们在印度的朋友。我刚刚结束对6个国家历时10天的访问回国。 *          *          *          * ……我想谈谈美国为全世界应对冠状病毒疫情发挥的主导作用，不仅在国内，而且包括海外。 特朗普总统已明确表示，我们的首要任务是保卫国家。为了减缓病毒向美国传播，我们实施了谨慎的旅行限制，发布了高级别的旅行警告。美国所有已知携带冠状病毒的人员都已被隔离并接受治疗。曾前往高危地区旅行——湖北省和钻石公主号（Diamond Princess）游轮——的健康人员在返回美国时获得强制检疫隔离的安排。 对于我国境外的地区，国务院继续通过大量的工作对中国内外局势的发展进行评估，并为受病毒袭击的国家提供帮助。 我们还对从武汉当地报道冠状病毒传播事件的勇敢的新闻记者表示赞赏。 驱逐我们的新闻记者再次暴露了治理方面存在的问题，即新闻审查，以前曾涉及严重急性呼吸综合症（SARS），现在又关系到冠状病毒。这个问题可以导致严重的后果。如果中国原来就允许本国和外国记者及医护人员自由发表言论和从事调查，中国官员和其他国家就能更好地为应对这项挑战做好准备。 同样，美国对于提示伊朗政权可能压制该国疫情重要细节的消息表示严重关注。截至昨天下午，伊朗的冠状病毒死亡数字仅次于中国。 所有的国家，包括伊朗，都应该公布有关冠状病毒的真相，并与国际援助组织合作。 *          *          *          * 问：关于中国，你发表了措辞强烈的声明，谴责中国驱逐华尔街日报（Wall Street Journal）记者的行动。美国是否还考虑其他方面的应对措施？华尔街日报一些驻中国的记者要求该报表示道歉，中国政府认为文章的标题涉及种族主义，你对由文章标题引发的争议有什么看法？ *          *          *          * 国务卿蓬佩奥：关于中国共产党决定驱逐华尔街日报3名记者一事，我们已经发表了声明；我们对此表示谴责。我们表示谴责是因为，从自由的角度看，这是不对的。我们谈到对等的问题，以及中国媒体机构在美国能够获得哪些渠道，或者允许从事哪些业务。但对于美国媒体机构，以及与此有关的中国境内的非中国媒体机构来说，情况并非如此。所以有一个重要的原则我们需要捍卫。 但是，其次，同样十分重要的是，我们需要获得准确的信息，了解那里发生的情况。就冠状病毒而言，这方面的各项数据很重要。这方面的信息很重要。当地的战术性局势很重要，不仅有助于我们为中国人民提供帮助，我们承诺继续这样做，也可以确保我们为世界各地的公民提供帮助，包括这里的美国公民。 为此， 我们认为中国境内的信息流通面临重要时刻。能够获得有用的信息及任何地方都享有新闻自由，对我们来说历来很重要。但是在目前这个时候，这一点特别重要。数据和信息很重要，因为有关的消息可以破除道听途说的传闻，使我们能够采取有助于应对实际威胁的措施，不必依靠传闻和谣言。 我不想过早地谈我们正在考虑的政策选项。我们正在考虑一系列广泛的问题。我们将采取适当的行动，如果有必要我们将确保总统也能有机会在我们整个决策过程中为有关的决定提供指示。 *          *          *          *

February 25, 2020 Press Briefing Room Washington, D.C. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  It’s good to be with you all.  As you know, President Trump has been visiting our friends in India, and I’m just back from a ten-day, six-country trip. *          *          *          * I want to talk about America’s world-leading response to the coronavirus outbreak, not just at home, but abroad as well. As the President made clear, our first priority is to protect the homeland.  We’ve imposed prudent travel restrictions and strong travel advisories to slow the spread of the virus to the United States.  All known American carriers of the coronavirus are in isolation and treatment, and healthy travelers who traveled from high-risk locations – namely, Hubei Province and the Diamond Princess cruise ship – were placed in mandatory quarantine upon return to the United States. Outside of our borders, the State Department continues to do an enormous amount of work to review developments inside and outside of China, and to help countries who have been stricken by the virus. We also want to applaud the brave reporters who are covering the spread of coronavirus from Wuhan itself. Expelling our journalists exposes, once again, the governance issue that led to SARS, and now, the coronavirus, namely censorship.  It can have deadly consequences.  Had China permitted its own and foreign journalists and medical personnel to speak and investigate freely, Chinese officials and other nations would have been far better prepared to address the challenge. Similarly, the United States is deeply concerned by information indicating the Iranian regime may have suppressed vital details about the outbreak in that country.  As of yesterday afternoon, Iran was second only to China in coronavirus deaths. All nations, including Iran, should tell the truth about the coronavirus and cooperate with international aid organizations. *          *          *          * QUESTION:  On China, you have issued a strong statement to condemn China for expelling The Wall Street Journal reporters.  What other options being considered by the United States to respond?  And what is your take on this headline controversy that some of The Wall Street Journal’s China staff has asked the paper to apologize and the headline which was considered by the Chinese Government as racist? Separately, if I may, on coronavirus – is a coronavirus outbreak affecting the preparation of the expected U.S.-ASEAN special summit?  Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO:  So with respect to the decision that the Chinese Communist Party made to expel three Wall Street Journal journalists, we made a statement; we’ve condemned it.  We’ve condemned it because it’s the wrong thing to do from a perspective of freedom.  We talk about reciprocity and what Chinese media outlets have access to or are permitted to do here in the United States.  That is not the case for U.S. media outlets or, for that matter, other non-Chinese media outlets inside of China as well.  So there’s an important principle there that we want to defend. But second, it’s also incredibly important that we get accurate information about what’s taking place there.  With respect to the coronavirus, this data set matters.  This information matters.  The tactical situation on the ground matters, not only to assist us in helping the Chinese people, which we are committed to continuing to do, but to make sure that we are helping citizens all across the world, including citizens right here in the United States. So we think that information flow inside of China is at a critical moment.  It’s always important that we get good information, that there’s free press everywhere.  But it’s especially essential at this time, where data and information matter because they provide things that go beyond anecdote so that we can respond in a way that meets the actual threat, not based on anecdote and rumor. I don’t want to get ahead of what our policy options are that are being considered.  We’re looking at a broad range of things.  We will take the appropriate action and, if necessary, we’ll make sure that the President also gets a chance to weigh in on this decision as we move through our decision-making process.

事实清单 美国国务院发言人办公室 2020年3月23日 “我也想要大家注意伊朗政权关于武汉病毒的起源地的虚假信息运动。伊朗在上位的人没把力气放在伊朗人民需求上，不接受真心诚意的援手，几周以来对武汉病毒的疫情撒谎。“ “伊朗的领导正试图为其严重无能又致命的治理方式躲避责任。令人难过的是，伊朗人民因为这种谎言已经受苦了41年。他们知道真相：武汉病毒是凶手而伊朗政权是帮凶。” —蓬佩奥国务卿, 2020年3月17日，对记者的发言  事实 虚假信息和不当管理   点击此处阅读蓬佩奥国务卿于2020年3月25日对记者的发言。

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON MARCH 23, 2020 “I also want to call attention to the Iranian regime’s misinformation campaign surrounding the origination of the Wuhan virus.  Instead of focusing on the needs of the Iranian people and accepting genuine offers of support, senior Iranians lied about the Wuhan virus outbreak for weeks.” The Iranian leadership is trying to avoid responsibility for their grossly incompetent and deadly governance.  Sadly, the Iranian people have been suffering these kinds of lies for 41 years. They know the truth: The Wuhan virus is a killer and the Iranian regime is an accomplice.” -Secretary Pompeo, Remarks to the Press March 17, 2020 FACTS DISINFORMATION AND MISMANAGEMENT

美国国务院发言人摩根·奥特葛斯（Morgan Ortagus）： 1月29日，国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo） 与中国共产党外事办公室主任杨洁篪通话。国务卿蓬佩奥对因感染冠状病毒离世的中国公民表示哀悼。国务卿强调，海外美国公民的安全保障仍然是他最重要的工作。他对中华人民共和国协助美国政府人员和普通公民撤离病毒疫区一事对杨主任表示感谢。

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus:‎ Secretary Michael R. Pompeo spoke by phone on January 29 with Yang Jiechi, Director of the Office of Foreign Affairs of the Communist Party of China.  Secretary Pompeo expressed condolences for the Chinese citizens who lost their lives as a result of the coronavirus outbreak.  The Secretary stressed that the safety and security of U.S. citizens overseas continued to be his highest priority, and he thanked Director Yang for the PRC’s assistance in facilitating the evacuation of U.S. government personnel and private citizens from areas affected by the virus outbreak.

美国东部时间 2022年6月30日 下午4:27 国务卿安东尼·布林肯 7月1日，我们纪念香港主权移交中华人民共和国25周年。这一天当初被设想为“一国两制”框架下，所承诺的50年自治的中间点。然而，香港和北京当局现在很显然不再将民主参与、基本自由和独立媒体视为这个愿景的一部分。 2019年，数百万名香港人加入公开抗议，反对有争议的引渡条例。北京的回应——《国家安全法》——为过去两年来，自治遭到侵蚀、香港居民的权利和自由遭到破坏作了准备。当局将反对派人士投入监狱，其中许多人已被拘押超过一年之久。香港的领导层突击查抄独立媒体组织、关闭博物馆、移除公共艺术作品、削弱民主机构、推迟选举、阻止守夜活动、剥夺现任立法会议员的资格、实行效忠宣誓。政府官员一直在散布国外行为体是草根抗议幕后推手的虚假信息。他们这些所作所为都是在力图剥夺曾经对香港人做出的承诺。 我们与香港民众团结站在一起，增援他们的呼吁，恢复所承诺给他们的自由。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE JUNE 30, 2022 On July 1, we mark the 25th anniversary of the handover of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China.  This date was envisioned as the halfway point of 50 years of promised autonomy under the “One Country, Two Systems” framework.  Yet it is now evident that Hong Kong and Beijing authorities no longer view democratic participation, fundamental freedoms, and an independent media as part of this vision. In 2019, millions of Hong Kongers joined public protests to oppose controversial extradition legislation.  Beijing’s response – the National Security Law – set the stage for an erosion of autonomy and dismantling of the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong residents over the last two years.  Authorities have jailed the opposition, with many imprisoned for more than a year.  Hong Kong’s leaders have raided independent media organizations, shuttered museums and removed public works of art, weakened democratic institutions, delayed elections, prevented vigils, disqualified sitting lawmakers, and instituted loyalty oaths.  Government officials have spread disinformation that grassroots protests were the work of foreign actors.  They have done all of this in an effort to deprive Hong Kongers of what they have been promised. We stand in solidarity with people in Hong Kong and reinforce their calls for their promised freedoms to be reinstated.

2023年5月11日   国家安全顾问杰克·沙利文于5月10日至11日在维也纳与中共中央政治局委员、中央外事工作委员会办公室主任王毅举行了会晤。双方就美中双边关系中的关键问题、全球和地区安全问题、俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争、海峡两岸问题等进行了坦诚、实质性和建设性的讨论。此次会晤是为保持沟通渠道畅通和负责任地管理竞争而进行的持续努力之一。双方同意，在拜登总统和习主席2022年11月在印度尼西亚巴厘岛的接触的基础上，保持这一重要的战略沟通渠道，以推进这些目标。   ###

Readout of National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s Meeting with Chinese Communist Party Politburo Member and Director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission Wang Yi   MAY 11, 2023 National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met from May 10-11 with Chinese Communist Party Politburo Member and Director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission Wang Yi in Vienna.  The two sides had candid, substantive, and constructive discussions on key issues in the U.S.-China bilateral relationship, global and regional security issues, Russia’s war against Ukraine, and cross-Strait issues, among other topics.  This meeting was part of ongoing efforts to maintain open lines of communication and responsibly manage competition.  The two sides agreed to maintain this important strategic channel of communication to advance these objectives, building on the engagement between President Biden and President Xi in Bali, Indonesia, in November 2022. ###

鉴于首次在中国武汉发现的新型冠状病毒，请勿前往中国旅行。1月30日，世界卫生组织确定迅速蔓延的疫情构成国际关注的突发公共卫生事件。 旅客应准备好在几乎没有或没有提前通知的情况下实施旅行限制。 商业承运人减少或暂停了往返中国的航线。  那些目前在中国的美国人应该考虑使用商业交通方式离开。鉴于这种新型冠状病毒，美国国务院已要求所有非必要的美国政府工作人员推迟前往中国。  为了遏制这种新型冠状病毒，中国官方已暂停了武汉周边地区的航空、公路和铁路旅行，并限制了全国范围的旅行和其他活动。美国国务院于2020年1月23日命令所有非应急美国人员及其家属离开武汉。美国政府向湖北省的美国公民提供紧急服务的能力有限。美国国务院于2020年1月29日允许非应急人员和美国政府雇员的家庭成员自愿离开中国。美国国务院于2020年1月31日命令在中国的美国人员的所有21岁以下的家庭成员撤离。  美国疾病控制与预防中心(CDC)已经针对中国各地发出了旅行安全警告。CDC已发布了关于如何降低感染新型冠状病毒风险的建议。请访问CDC网页以了解有关新型冠状病毒的更多信息，包括预防、体征和症状以及治疗。

Do not travel to China due to the novel coronavirus first identified in Wuhan, China. On January 30, the World Health Organization determined the rapidly spreading outbreak constitutes a Public Health Emergency of International Concern. Travelers should be prepared for travel restrictions to be put into effect with little or no advance notice. Commercial carriers have reduced or suspended routes to and from China. Those currently in China should consider departing using commercial means. The Department of State has requested that all non-essential U.S. government personnel defer travel to China in light of the novel coronavirus.  In an effort to contain the novel coronavirus, the Chinese authorities have suspended air, road, and rail travel in the area around Wuhan and placed restrictions on travel and other activities throughout the country. On January 23, 2020, the Department of State ordered the departure of all non-emergency U.S. personnel and their family members from Wuhan. The U.S. government has limited ability to provide emergency services to U.S. citizens in Hubei province. On January 29, 2020, the Department of State allowed for the voluntary departure of non-emergency personnel and family members of U.S. government employees from China. On January 31, 2020, the Department of State ordered the departure of all family members under age 21 of U.S. personnel in China. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has issued a Warning for all of China. The CDC has published suggestions on how to reduce your risk of contracting the Novel Coronavirus. Visit the CDC webpage for expanded information about the Novel Coronavirus, including prevention, signs and symptoms, and treatment.

白宫 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2021年2月19日 东厅（East Room） 美国东部标准时间上午11:17 总统：多谢大使先生。很高兴见到安杰拉（Angela）和伊曼纽尔（Emmanuel）。我们刚刚利用早上的一部分时间——按华盛顿当地时间——进行了交谈。但是我想对所有的人表示问候并感谢，你们———在慕尼黑会议（Munich Conference）主办这次特别会议。 如你所说，数十年来，我曾出席慕尼黑安全会议——作为美国参议员，与两院同事一起强调跨大西洋伙伴关系的重要性；3次作为美国副总统与会，包括在我们上任后最初几个月发表奥巴马-拜登（Obama-Biden）政府的第一个国际外交政策演说。 如你所说，两年前我在慕尼黑发表最后一次讲话，当时我是普通公民；我是一名教授，不是民选官员。但当年我曾说，“我们会再次回归。”我言出必行。美国已经回归。 今天我作为美国总统，在我的政府执政之初发表讲话，向全世界发出一个明确的信息：美国已经回归。跨大西洋联盟已经回归。我们不再回首既往；我们瞩望前程，同心协力。 归根结底，跨大西洋联盟是一个坚实的基础——坚实的基础——我们的集体安全和我们的共同繁荣都建立在这个基础上。依我之见，欧洲和美国的伙伴关系是，而且始终必须是我们希望在21世纪完成所有使命的基石，与我们在20世纪所做的一样。 我们今天面临的挑战有所不同。我们正处于一个转折点。与当年我作为参议员，甚至作为副总统发表讲话的时候相比，全球态势已经发生转变。新的危机要求我们高度警觉。我们不可仅关注可能分裂世界的国家之间的竞争，也不能仅关心如果我们不进行合作就可能一损俱损的全球性挑战。我们必须两者兼顾，与我们的盟国和伙伴步调一致。 为此，我需要消除任何现存的疑虑： 美国将与我们的欧洲联盟（European Union）伙伴和欧洲大陆各地的首都——从罗马（Rome）到里加（Riga）——一起应对我们共同面临的一系列挑战。 我们继续支持欧洲实现完整、自由与和平的目标。美国全面坚持对我们北约联盟（NATO Alliance）的承诺。我欢迎欧洲为保障我们共同防御的军事能力日益增加投入。 众所周知，对我和美国而言，对于我们而言，我们将坚守条款——我们将坚守第5条款（Article 5）。这是一个保证。对一国的进犯就是对全体的进犯。这是我们不可动摇的誓言。唯一援引第5条款的情况是9/11美国受到袭击的时候。你们，我们的盟国与我们共同打击“基地”组织（al Qaeda）。在阿富汗事务推进的过程中，美国坚持与我们的北约盟国和伙伴进行密切磋商。 我的政府强烈支持外交程序—— 目前为结束这场历经20年的战争正在进行的程序。我们仍然坚持要求阿富汗永远不再为恐怖主义对美国及我们的伙伴和我们的利益发动袭击提供基地。 我们的欧洲伙伴还与我们共同抗击伊斯兰国（ISIS）。 就在本星期，北约各成员的国防部长同意大幅度扩大在伊拉克的训练和咨询使命。这对于目前持续打击伊斯兰国的行动具有重要意义。我们不能允许伊斯兰国死灰复燃，卷土重来，威胁中东（Middle East）、欧洲、美国和其他各地的人民。 目前美国正在对我们本身在世界各地的军事态势进行全面审议，与此同时我已下令停止从德国撤回美国军队。我还撤销了前任政府对美国能够以德国为基地的军队人数实施的限额。 我知道——我知道过去几年我们的跨大西洋关系受到了压力和考验，但是美国决心——决心恢复与欧洲发展关系，与你们磋商，重新赢得我们有信誉的领导地位。 正如有关消息所说，今天早些时候，我出席了7国集团领导人第一次会议。我发表的讲话谈到迫切需要为抗击COVID-19疫情、全球经济危机和气候危机加剧等问题协调多边行动。 实现这些目标将取决于一个核心战略主张：美国必须恢复美国永恒的优势，从而可以使我们从实力地位抗击今天的各种挑战。这意味着重新更好地建设我们的经济基础；恢复我们在国际机构中的地位；提升我们国内的价值观，在世界各地为捍卫这些价值大声疾呼；使我们军队的实力现代化，同时发挥外交领导作用；再次振兴使全世界所有的人民更安全的美国的联盟和伙伴关系网络。 你们知道，我希望我们的民主同伴将和我们一道进行这项至关重要的工作。我们的伙伴关系经受过多年磨练和发展，因为它们根植于我们共同民主价值的富饶土壤中。它们不是交易性的。它们不是榨取性的。它们是基于对一个前景的展望，即每个人的声音都举足轻重，所有人的权利都受到保护，法治得到维护。 这一切都尚未充分实现——我们任何人都尚未完全实现这个愿景。我们继续朝着这个方向努力。而且在许许多多地方，包括在欧洲和美国，民主进程正在受到攻击。 我已经认识——我已经认识你们当中的许多人很久了，你们知道我是有话直说。所以让我与你们各位直截了当：我们正处在一场有关世界的未来与走向的根本辩论中。我们正位于一个转折点，一方面是一些人提出，鉴于我们面前的所有这些挑战——从第四次工业革命到全球疫情——独裁体制是走向未来的最佳途径，这是他们所提出的；另一方面则是一些人，他们理解民主为战胜那些挑战所必须。 历史学家将会把这个时刻作为一个转折点——如我所说——加以审视和著书立说。我相信——我全身心相信——民主将而且必然得胜。我们必须显示，在这个变化了的世界里，民主国家仍然能为我们的人民发挥作用。这一点，我认为，是我们振奋人心的使命。 民主不会偶然发生。我们必须捍卫它，为它而战，巩固它，振兴它。我们必须证明，我们的模式不是我们的历史遗物；它是重振未来希望的唯一最佳途径。如果我们与我们的民主伙伴一道努力，有力量，有信心，我知道我们将会战胜每一个挑战，超过每一个挑战者。 你们知道，我们必须共同为与中国的长期战略竞争作准备。美国、欧洲和亚洲如何一道努力，确保和平，捍卫我们的共同价值观，并且促进太平洋各地的繁荣，将是我们进行的最有重大影响力的努力之一。同中国的竞争将是激烈的。这在我的期待之中，也是我所欢迎的，因为我相信欧洲和美国连同我们在印度-太平洋地区的盟友过去70年来所努力打造的全球体系。 我们能够掌握通向未来的赛跑。但是，要做到这点，我们必须对它所需要的有历史意义的投资与合作关系有明确认识。我们必须保护——我们必须保护发明创造的空间、知识产权的空间以及能够通过开放和民主社会中的思想自由交流而蓬勃发展的创新天才。我们必须确保发展增长的好处得到普遍的和平等的分享，而不是仅仅让少数人受益。 我们必须反击有损于国际经济体系根基的中国政府的经济违规和胁迫行为。每一个国家——每一个国家——都必须按同样的规则行事。 美国和欧洲公司都必须把企业管理——企业管理结构——公布于众，并且遵守防腐败和防垄断的法规。中国公司应受同样标准的要求。 我们必须制定针对网络空间、人工智能、生物技术领域中的技术发展和行为规范的管理规则，从而使之用于让人们得到提升而不是受到压制。我们必须挺身维护民主价值，因为是它们让我们能够成就这一切，并反击那些希望实行垄断和将压制常态化的势力。 要知道，这也是——这也是我们将如何迎接来自俄罗斯的威胁。克里姆林宫（Kremlin）攻击我们民主国家，将腐败武器化，企图以此破坏我们的执政体制。俄罗斯领导人想让人们认为，我们的体制比他们的更腐败或与他们的同样腐败。但是世界知道，那不是事实，包括俄罗斯人——俄罗斯自己的公民。 普京（Putin）力图削弱欧洲——欧洲项目和我们的北约联盟。他想动摇跨大西洋的团结和我们的决心，因为对克里姆林宫来说，欺辱和威胁单个国家比同一个强大和紧密团结在一起的跨大西洋共同体打交道要容易得多。 这就是为什么——这就是为什么站出来捍卫乌克兰的主权和领土完整继续是欧洲和美国的一个极其重要的关注。这就是为什么对肆无忌惮——对俄罗斯的肆无忌惮及其对美国、欧洲和世界各地电脑网络的入侵作出应对，对保护我们的共同安全变得十分重要。俄罗斯的挑战也许与中国的挑战不同，但它们同样真实。 这不是要将东方与西方对立。这不是我们想要冲突。我们希望有一个所有国家都能自由决定自身道路而不受暴力威胁或胁迫的未来。我们不能也绝不要回到冷战那种本能对抗和僵硬的集团状态。竞争决不能关闭在影响我们所有人的问题上的合作。例如，如果我们要在所有地方战胜2019冠状病毒病，我们就必须合作。 我的第一份总统国家安全备忘录着重于大幅增加卫生和人道主义应对措施以战胜COVID-19，并更好地预防及准备应对下一次疫情。 今天，我宣布美国承诺向COVID-19疫苗全球获取机制（COVAX）提供20亿美元，并允诺再追加提供20亿美元以敦促其他方面也加紧努力。 然而，即便在我们力争摆脱这场疫情的利齿时，埃博拉（Ebola）在非洲的再次爆发严酷地提醒我们必须同时做到最终能为卫生安全提供资金；增强全球卫生体系；并建立预警系统以便预防、发现及应对未来的生物威胁，因为它们将不断出现。我们必须共同努力，加强并改革世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）。我们需要一个着重于应对生物威胁的联合国体系，能够迅速采取措施来激发行动。 同样地，我们不能再拖延或仅仅采取最低限度的行动来应对气候变化了。这是一场全球性的生存危机，而且我们都将受害——倘若失败我们就都将受害。 我们必须极快地加速我们大力遏制我们的排放的承诺，并相互问责，以达到我们的目标并增强我们的魄力。 正因为如此，作为总统，我立即重新加入了《巴黎协议》（Paris Agreement），而且今天，美国已经正式地重新成为《巴黎协议》的一方，而这项协议是我们帮助制定的。 在地球日（Earth Day），我将主持一次领导人峰会，帮助调动最大的排放者采取更大胆的行动，其中包括在美国这里的国内气候行动。 我感谢——我对欧洲过去4年来在气候问题上的持续领导作用表示感谢。我们应当携手努力，投资于技术创新，这将驱动我们的清洁能源未来，并将使我们能构建全球市场的清洁能源解决方案。 核扩散的威胁也继续要求我们必须认真地展开外交及合作。我们需要有透明度和沟通交流，以便将战略误解或错误的风险降至最低。正因为如此，美国和俄罗斯，尽管有其他竞争，在我来到——在我就职后——马上将《削减战略武器新条约》（New START Treaty）再延长了4[5]年。 正因为如此，我们已经表示准备好重新参与同“五常加一”（P5+1）就伊朗核项目进行谈判。我们还必须应对伊朗在整个中东地区破坏稳定的活动，而且我们将在向前推进的过程中同我们的欧洲及其他合作伙伴密切合作。 我们还将共同努力控制裂变及放射性物质，以制止恐怖主义团伙获取或使用它们。 请看，欧洲和美国必须共同应对的一系列挑战是广泛而复杂的。我渴望听到——我渴望听到——我渴望听到接下来我的好朋友以及杰出的领导人，默克尔总理（Chancellor Merkel），来谈谈她对共同前进的道路的看法。 让我以此作为结束语：我们不能让自我怀疑来妨碍我们相互接触或同更广泛的世界接触的能力。过去的4年曾是艰难的。但欧洲和美国必须再次自信地发挥领导作用，怀着对我们的能力的信心、对我们自身复兴的承诺、相互的信任以及对欧洲和美国为共同保障我们的未来而应对任何挑战的能力的信任。 我知道我们能够做到。我们曾经做到过。就在昨天——在历时7个月的长达3亿英里的旅程之后——美国国家航空航天局（NASA）成功地让毅力号漫游器（Perseverance Rover）登陆火星（Mars）。它正在执行一项探索使命，其中包含我们的欧洲合作伙伴的贡献，寻求我们的星球之外可能存在生命的证据以及宇宙之谜。 在今后几年——昵称是“Percy”的（听不清）——但毅力号将从红色星球（Red Planet）各处收集样本，然后将它们集中以来，以便由另一项使命和另一个漫游器，预期将是美国国家航空航天局和欧洲太空机构（European Space Agency）的联合努力，将这些科学奇迹的宝藏取回并带回来给我们所有人。 这就是我们共同努力所能做到的。如果将我们送往火星并返回的无限能力能说明什么的话，那就是我们能够应对我们会在地球上面临的任何挑战。我们已有所需的一切。而且我希望你们知道美国将做——我们将尽我们的力量。我们将同你们站在一起。我们将为我们共同的价值观而奋斗。我们将应对这个新的历史时刻的挑战。 美国已经回归。让我们团结一致并向我们的子孙后代展示，让他们看到，民主——民主——民主能够发挥职能和效力，只要共同努力，就没有什么是我们做不到的。因此，让我们着手工作吧。 非常感谢你们。谢谢大家。

East Room 11:17 A.M. EST THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.  And it’s great to be with Angela and Emmanuel.  We just spent part of — from Washington’s perspective — the morning together.  But I want to say hello to everyone and thanks, you — at the Munich Conference for hosting this special session. For decades, as you pointed out, I’ve participated in the Munich Security Conference — as a U.S. senator, joining my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to affirm the importance of the transatlantic partnership; three times as the Vice President of the United States, including delivering the first international foreign policy address of the Obama-Biden administration in the first months we were in office. And two years ago, as you pointed out, when I last spoke at Munich, I was a private citizen; I was a professor, not an elected official.  But I said at that time, “We will be back.”  And I’m a man of my word.  America is back. I speak today as President of the United States at the very start of my administration, and I’m sending a clear message to the world: America is back.  The transatlantic alliance is back.  And we are not looking backward; we are looking forward, together. It comes down to this: The transatlantic alliance is a strong foundation — the strong foundation — on which our collective security and our shared prosperity are built.  The partnership between Europe and the United States, in my view, is and must remain the cornerstone of all that we hope to accomplish in the 21st century, just as we did in the 20th century. The challenges we face today are different.  We’re at an inflection point.  When I spoke to you as a senator and as even as Vice President, the global dynamics have shifted.  New crises demand our attention.  And we cannot focus only on the competition among countries that threaten to divide the world, or only on global challenges that threaten to sink us all together if we fail to cooperate.  We must do both, working in lockstep with our allies and partners. So let me erase any lingering doubt: The United States will work closely with our European Union partners and the capitals across the continent — from Rome to Riga — to meet the range of shared challenges we face. We continue to support the goal of a Europe whole and free and at peace.  The United States is fully committed to our NATO Alliance, and I welcome Europe’s growing investment in the military capabilities that enable our shared defense. You know, to me and to the United States, and to us, we’ll keep article — we’ll keep faith with Article 5.  It’s a guarantee.  An attack on one is an attack on all.  That is our unshakable vow.  And the only time Article 5 has been invoked was after the United States was attacked on 9/11.  You, our allies, joined us to fight al Qaeda, and the United States committed to consulting closely with our NATO Allies and partners on the way forward in Afghanistan. My administration strongly supports the diplomatic proc- — process that’s underway and to bring an end to this war that is closing out 20 years.  We remain committed to ensuring that Afghanistan never again provides a base for terrorist attacks against the United States and our partners and our interests. Our European partners have also stood with us to counter ISIS.  Just this week, NATO Defense Ministers endorsed a significantly expanded training and advisory mission in Iraq, which will be vital to the ongoing fight against ISIS.  We cannot allow ISIS to reopen and regroup and threaten people in the Middle East, in Europe, in the United States, and elsewhere. And while the United States is undergoing a thorough review of our own force posture around the world, I’ve ordered the halting of withdrawal of American troops from Germany.  I’m also lifting the cap imposed by the previous administration on the number of U.S. forces able to be based in Germany. I know — I know the past few years have strained and tested our transatlantic relationship, but the United States is determined — determined to reengage with Europe, to consult with you, to earn back our position of trusted leadership. Earlier today, as was referenced, I participated in the first meeting of the G7 leaders, where I spoke about the dire need to coordinate multilateral action to address COVID-19, the global economic crisis, and the accelerating climate crisis, and so much else. Achieving these goals is going to depend on a core strategic proposition, and that is: The United States must renew America’s enduring advantages so that we can meet today’s challenges from a position of strength.  That means building back better our economic foundations; reclaiming our place in international institutions; lifting up our values at home, and speaking out to defend them around the world; modernizing our military capabilities while leading with diplomacy; revitalizing America’s network of alliances and partnerships that have made the world safer for all people. You know, I hope our fellow democracies are going to join us in this vital work.  Our partnerships have endured and grown through the years because they are rooted in the richness of our shared democratic values.  They’re not transactional.  They’re not extractive.  They’re built on a vision of a future where every voice matters, where the rights of all are protected and the rule of law is upheld. None of this has fully succeeded in this — none of us has fully succeeded in this division [vision].  We continue to work toward it.  And in so many places, including in Europe and the United States, democratic progress is under assault. I have known for — I’ve known many of you for a long, long time, and you know that I speak my mind, so let me be straightforward with you all: We are in the midst of a fundamental debate about the future and direction of our world.  We’re at an inflection point between those who argue that, given all the challenges we face — from the fourth industrial revolution to a global pandemic — that autocracy is the best way forward, they argue, and those who understand that democracy is essential — essential to meeting those challenges. Historians are going to examine and write about this moment as an inflection point, as I said.  And I believe that — every ounce of my being — that democracy will and must prevail.  We must demonstrate that democracies can still deliver for our people in this changed world.  That, in my view, is our galvanizing mission. Democracy doesn’t happen by accident.  We have to defend it, fight for it, strengthen it, renew it.  We have to prove that our model isn’t a relic of our history; it’s the single best way to revitalize the promise of our future.  And if we work together with our democratic partners, with strength and confidence, I know that we’ll meet every challenge and outpace every challenger. You know, we must prepare together for a long-term strategic competition with China.  How the United States, Europe, and Asia work together to secure the peace and defend our shared values and advance our prosperity across the Pacific will be among the most consequential efforts we undertake.  Competition with China is going to be stiff.  That’s what I expect, and that’s what I welcome, because I believe in the global system Europe and the United States, together with our allies in the Indo-Pacific, worked so hard to build over the last 70 years. We can own the race for the future.  But to do so, we have to be clear-eyed about the historic investments and partnerships that this will require.  We have to protect — we have to protect for space for innovation, for intellectual property, and the creative genius that thrives with the free exchange of ideas in open, democratic societies.  We have to ensure that the benefits of growth are shared broadly and equitably, not just by a few. We have to push back against the Chinese government’s economic abuses and coercion that undercut the foundations of the international economic system.  Everyone — everyone — must play by the same rules. U.S. and European companies are required to publicly disclose corporate governance — to corporate governance structures and abide by rules to deter corruption and monopolistic practices.  Chinese companies should be held to the same standard. We must shape the rules that will govern the advance of technology and the norms of behavior in cyberspace, artificial intelligence, biotechnology so that they are used to lift people up, not used to pin them down.  We must stand up for the democratic values that make it possible for us to accomplish any of this, pushing back against those who would monopolize and normalize repression. You know, this is also — this is also how we’re going to be able to meet the threat from Russia.  The Kremlin attacks our democracies and weaponizes corruption to try to undermine our system of governance.  Russian leaders want people to think that our system is more corrupt or as corrupt as theirs.  But the world knows that isn’t true, including Russians — Russia’s own citizens. Putin seeks to weaken European — the European project and our NATO Alliance.  He wants to undermine the transatlantic unity and our resolve, because it’s so much easier for the Kremlin to bully and threaten individual states than it is to negotiate with a strong and closely united transatlantic community. That’s why — that’s why standing up for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine remains a vital concern for Europe and the United States.  That’s why addressing recklessness — Russian recklessness and hacking into computer networks, in the United States and across Europe and the world, has become critical to protecting our collective security.  The challenges with Russia may be different than the ones with China, but they’re just as real. And it’s not about pitting East against West.  It’s not about we want a conflict.  We want a future where all nations are able to freely determine their own path without a threat of violence or coercion.  We cannot and must not return to the reflective [reflexive] opposition and rigid blocs of the Cold War.  Competition must not lock out cooperation on issues that affect us all.  For example, we must cooperate if we’re going to defeat COVID-19 everywhere. My first presidential national security memorandum focused on surging health and humanitarian responses to defeat COVID-19 and to better prevent and prepare for the next pandemic. Today, I’m announcing that the United States is making a $2 billion pledge to COVAX, with the promise of an additional $2 billion to urge others to step up as well. Yet, even as we fight to get out of the teeth of this pandemic, the resurgence of Ebola in Africa is a stark reminder that we must simultaneously work to finally finance health security; strengthen global health systems; and create early warning systems to prevent, detect, and respond to future biological threats, because they will keep coming.  We have to work together to strengthen and reform the World Health Organization.  We need a U.N. system focused on biological threats that can move quickly to trigger action. Similarly, we can no longer delay or do the bare minimum to address climate change.  This is a global, existential crisis, and we’ll all suffer — we’ll all suffer the consequences if we fail. We have to rapidly accelerate our commitments to aggressively curb our emissions and to hold one another accountable for meeting our goals and increasing our ambitions. That’s why, as President, I immediately rejoined the Paris Agreement, and as of today, the United States is officially once again a party to the Paris Agreement, which we helped put together. On Earth Day, I will host a leaders summit to help drive more ambitious actions among top emitters, including domestic climate action here in the United States. I am grateful — I’m grateful for Europe’s continued leadership on climate issues over the last four years.  Together, we need to invest in the technological innovations that are going to power our clean energy futures and enable us to build clean energy solutions to global markets. The threat of nuclear proliferation also continues to require careful diplomacy and cooperation among us.  We need transparency and communication to minimize the risk of strategic misunderstanding or mistakes.  That’s why the United States and Russia, notwithstanding other competition, extended the New START Treaty for an additional four [five] years once I came — I was sworn in. That’s why we have said we’re prepared to reengage in negotiations with the P5+1 on Iran’s nuclear program.  We must also address Iran’s destabilizing activities across the Middle East, and we’re going to work in close cooperation with our European and other partners as we proceed. We’ll also work together to lock down fissile and radiological material to prevent terrorist groups from acquiring or using them. Look, the range of challenges Europe and the United States must take on together is broad and complex.  And I’m eager to hear — I’m eager to hear — I’m eager to hear next from my good friends and outstanding leaders, Chancellor Merkel, about her thoughts on the way forward together. So let me conclude with this: We cannot allow self-doubt to hinder our ability to engage each other or the larger world.  The last four years have been hard.  But Europe and the United States have to lead with confidence once more, with faith in our capacities, a commitment to our own renewal, with trust in one another and the ability of Europe and the United States to meet any challenge to secure our futures together. I know we can do this.  We’ve done it before. Just yesterday — after a seven-month, 300-million mile journey — NASA successfully landed the Perseverance Rover on Mars. It’s on a mission of exploration, with elements contributed by our European partners to seek evidence of the possibility of life beyond our planet and the mysteries of the universe. Over the next few years — “Percy” is (inaudible) call — but Perseverance will range and collect samples from the Red Planet and pile them up so another mission and rover, envisioned as a joint effort between NASA and the European Space Agency, will retrieve this trove of scientific wonders and bring it home to all of us. That’s what we can do together.  If our unbound capacity to carry us to Mars and back don’t tell us anything else, they tell us we can meet any challenge we can face on Earth.  We have everything we need.  And I want you to know the United States will do — we’ll do our part.  We’ll stand with you.  We’ll fight for our shared values.  We’ll meet the challenges of this new moment in history. America is back.  So let’s get together and demonstrate to our great, great grandchildren, when they read about us, that democracy — democracy — democracy functions and works, and together, there is nothing we can’t do.  So let’s get working. Thank you all very much.  Thank you, folks. Q    Mr. President, (inaudible) the Texas governor’s request for a major disaster declaration? THE PRESIDENT:  Yes, I had a chance to speak with the governor again last night, and I asked him whether he was about to ask for another effort to — because the circumstances Texas finds itself in — whether he was going to seek additional assistance.  And we talked — I talked with the Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA — the administrator.  This afternoon, I’m going to ask him to accelerate our response and request for, quote — it’s a different declaration — a “Major Disaster Declaration” so that we can get everything done that we need that’s possible to get done with federal government help. FEMA is already there and providing support — generators, diesel fuel, water, blankets, and other supplies.  But I’ve directed Health and Human Services — HHS — Housing and Urban Development, U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Department of Defense to identify other resources — other resources that can provide and address the growing needs of the folks in — in Texas. And as a little bit along the lines I was just talking about, when any state — as I said when I ran, I’m going to be a President for all of America — all — red, blue; there’s no red or blue.  It’s all about commitment to — the American people make to one another.  And so we’re going to sign that declaration once it’s in front of me.  And God willing, it will bring a lot of relief to a lot of Texans. And so thank you all so very much. Q    Do you have any plans to visit Texas, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT:  Say again. Q    Do you have any plans to visit Texas? THE PRESIDENT:  It depends.  The answer is yes.  The question is, I had planned on being in Texas the middle of next week, but what I don’t want to be is a burden.  When the President lands in any city in America, it creates — there’s a — it has a long tail.  And they’re working like the devil to take care of their folks.  If, in fact, it’s concluded that I can do it without creating a burden for the folks on the ground while they’re dealing with this crisis, I plan on going.  But I’ll — we’ll know that — we’ll make that decision probably the beginning of next week. Okay?  Thank you. 11:38 A.M. EST

春节新闻稿 国务卿布林肯 2022年1月31日 我向在美国和世界各地于2月1日欢庆春节的人们献上最美好的祝愿。 当我们回首过往一年，迎来新的一年之际，美国将再接再厉推进一个和平、繁荣的未来。我们欢迎所有的国家和人们，与我们一起努力，为世世代代建立一个更美好的世界。 祝所有人虎年好运连连、心想事成、身体健康。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE JANUARY 31, 2022 I send my best wishes to those in the United States and around the world celebrating the Lunar New Year on February 1. As we reflect on the year behind us and welcome the year ahead of us, the United States will continue to work to advance a peaceful and prosperous future. We welcome all nations and peoples to join us in the effort to build a better world for future generations. May the Year of the Tiger bring opportunity, success, and good health to all.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区. 2022年2月8日 安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明：对俄罗斯金融系统实施进一步制裁   今天美国与我们的盟国和伙伴协作，针对俄罗斯继续在乌克兰进行其有预谋的战争对俄罗斯金融系统实施进一步制裁。我们对乌克兰主权和领土完整的支持决不动摇，如果俄罗斯继续进行其选择的战争，我们将继续与我们的盟国和伙伴使其承受代价。 美国财政部外国资产管制办公室已禁止任何美国人进行与俄罗斯联邦中央银行（Central Bank of the Russian Federation）、俄罗斯联邦国家财富基金（National Wealth Fund of the Russian Federation）、或俄罗斯联邦财政部（Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation）相关的交易。此外，外国资产管制办公室也已对众所周知的为普京总统及其亲信服务的贿赂基金俄罗斯直接投资基金（Russian Direct Investment Fund）及其两个分支和执行长基里尔·德米特里耶夫（Kirill Dmitriev）实施了封锁制裁。 我们今天采取的行动旨在削弱俄罗斯利用其国际储备抵消我们制裁影响的能力，并且防止俄罗斯通过使用其财富基金支持正在对乌克兰进行的战争。 美国将继续与我们的伙伴和盟国密切协调，对俄罗斯向乌克兰发动战争施加严重后果。我们与我们的伙伴和盟国有着团结一致的目标、决心和意志，要俄罗斯对其侵略行径承担责任，尤其是那些选择这场战争的人。 #  # # 欲查看原稿内容:   : https://www.state.gov/additional-measures-against-the-russian-financial-system/

Additional Measures Against the Russian Financial System PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE FEBRUARY 28, 2022 In coordination with our allies and partners, the United States is taking further measures today against the Russian financial system in response to Russia’s continuing premeditated war against Ukraine.  Unwavering in our support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, we will continue to act with our allies and partners in imposing costs on Russia if it continues its war of choice. The U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has prohibited any U.S. person from conducting any transaction involving the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, the National Wealth Fund of the Russian Federation, or the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation. In addition, OFAC imposed blocking sanctions on the Russian Direct Investment Fund, a known slush fund for President Putin and his inner circle, two of its subsidiaries, and CEO Kirill Dmitriev. We took today’s actions to impair Russia’s ability to use its international reserves in ways that undermine the impact of our sanctions, as well as to prevent Russia from accessing its wealth fund for use in its ongoing war against Ukraine. The United States will continue to coordinate closely with our partners and allies to impose severe consequences on Russia for its war against Ukraine.  We share with our partners and allies unity of purpose, resolve, and determination to hold Russia to account for its aggression, particularly those responsible for this war of choice.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2022年3月26日 安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明 美国准备向乌克兰新增1亿美元民事安全援助，在乌克兰遭受普京总统有预谋、无端和无理攻击的情况下，增强乌克兰内务部维护基本边境安全、维持民事执法功能和保障关键政府基础设施安全的能力。 增加的资金将使乌克兰国家边防局和国家警察继续得到稳定的物资援助，包括个人防护装备，实地装备，战术设备，医疗用品，装甲机车，以及通讯设备。由于有美国政府提供的关键援助，乌克兰执法官员正在为救助遭到俄罗斯政府残酷攻击的受害者、引领和保护运送因这些攻击而背井离乡的民众的车队，以及在遭到无情和毁灭性炮击重创的平民地区维护治安发挥着关键作用。 美国继续与国际社会站在一起，支持乌克兰人民和政府捍卫民主和保家卫国。我们继续强烈要求普京停止暴力，管控军队，包括那些犯下战争罪行的人，并选择走和平与外交之路。我们致力于运用一切可能的手段，包括刑事起诉，追究战争罪和其他杀戮罪行的责任。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/100-million-in-new-u-s-civilian-security-assistance-for-ukraine/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

$100 Million in New U.S. Civilian Security Assistance for Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MARCH 26, 2022 The United States intends to provide an additional $100 million in civilian security assistance to enhance the capacity of the Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs to provide essential border security, sustain civil law enforcement functions, and safeguard critical governmental infrastructure in the face of President Putin’s premeditated, unprovoked, and unjustified attack. The increased funding will continue a steady flow of personal protection equipment, field gear, tactical equipment, medical supplies, armored vehicles, and communication equipment for the Ukrainian State Border Guard Service and the National Police of Ukraine. With the U.S. government’s vital assistance, Ukrainian law enforcement officers are playing a key role in rescuing victims of the Russian government’s brutal assault, leading and protecting convoys of those displaced by attacks, and providing security to civilian areas torn apart by ruthless and devastating bombing. The United States continues to stand with the community of nations backing the people and government of Ukraine as they defend their democracy and country. We continue to urge Putin to end the violence, rein in his forces, including those who have committed war crimes, and choose the path of peace and diplomacy. We are committed to pursuing accountability for war crimes and other atrocities using every tool available, including criminal prosecutions.

白宫 华盛顿特区 2022年12月15日 在华盛顿举行的美国-非洲领导人峰会（The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit）再次肯定非洲在应对今天世界和平、安全和民主治理面临的决定性挑战中具有极其重要的领导作用。在和平、安全与治理论坛（Peace, Security, and Governance Forum）上，国防部长奥斯汀、国务卿布林肯、美国国际发展署署长鲍尔探讨了在非洲地区推进民主、和平与安全方面有创意的、地方主导的、跨部门和跨行业的路线方针。他们在讨论中强调，把同非洲国家、机构和人民的相互学习与合作为发展伙伴关系的根基，对以可持续性的方式实现安全至关重要。 由200多个来自多方公民社会组织参加的公民社会论坛（Civil Society Forum），为讨论有关在决策和公共事务中使边缘化声音得到更多代表、加强反腐败和促进劳工权利的各种机会提供了一个平台。论坛重申了美国对支持、扩大和倾听公民社会声音的承诺，并展示了负责任和包容性政府的效益。 采取一项包含国防、外交与发展的均衡和全方位的全政府方针并纳入非洲的声音，是发展和坚持民主和促进安全的关键。从拜登-哈里斯政府开始上任至今，美国已经投入和致力于投入65亿多美元，用以在非洲支持和平、安全、外交、民主、人权和治理。这当中包括发展非洲伙伴的军事能力；支持维和努力；推进有关妇女、和平和安全的目标；增进非洲机构的能力；促进性别平等、人权和法治；向公民社会赋权；加强问责机制；以及支持民主转型和民主机制。 和平与安全 民主、治理，人权  ### 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/12/15/fact-sheet-u-s-africa-partnership-in-promoting-peace-security-and-democratic-governance/  本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

FACT SHEET: U.S.-Africa Partnership in Promoting Peace, Security, and Democratic Governance The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington, D.C. reaffirmed that African leadership is critical to confronting today’s defining global peace, security, and democratic governance challenges.  In the Peace, Security, and Governance Forum, Secretary of Defense Austin, Secretary of State Blinken, USAID Administrator Power explored innovative, locally led, inter-ministerial, and multi-sectoral approaches to advancing democracy, peace, and security in the region.  Their discussion emphasized that fostering partnerships that are rooted in a mutual learning and collaboration with African nations, institutions, and people is essential to sustainable approaches to security. The Civil Society Forum, with over 200 participants from a diverse range of civil society organizations, provided a platform to discuss opportunities to increase representation of marginalized voices in policymaking and public affairs, to strengthen efforts to counter corruption, and to promote workers’ rights.  The Forum reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to supporting, amplifying, and listening to civil society voices and demonstrated the dividends of accountable and inclusive government. A balanced and comprehensive whole-of-government approach that includes defense, diplomacy, and development, and integrates African voices, is essential to develop and sustain democracy and advance security.  Since the beginning of the Biden-Harris Administration, the United States has invested and aims to provide more than $6.5 billion to support peace, security, democracy, human rights, and governance in Africa.  This includes efforts to develop African partners’ military capabilities; support peacekeeping efforts; advance women, peace and security objectives; increase African institutional capacity; promote gender equality, human rights, and the rule of law; empower civil society; strengthen accountability mechanisms; and support democratic transitions and institutions. Peace and Security Democracy, Governance, and Human Rights ###

国务院 发言人办公室 2021年12月20日 安东尼·布林肯国务卿声明：关于香港立法会选举的联合声明 我们——澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰外交部长和英国外相及美国国务卿，注意到香港立法会选举的结果，对特别行政区选举制度的民主元素受侵蚀表示严重关注。损害香港的权利、自由和高度自治正在威胁我们希望看到香港成功的共同愿望。 自从移交以来，曾有持多种多样不同政治观点的候选人参加了香港选举竞选。昨天的选举使这一趋势倒转。今年早些时候对香港选举制度作出的全面修改减少了直选席位，建立了一个新的审查程序，从而极大地限制了选票上的候选人选。这些改变把一切有意义的政治反对派排除在外。与此同时，香港的许多反对派政治人士——尤其突出的是“国安法案47人”（“NSL 47”）中的大部分人——继续在押待审，另外一些人流亡海外。 我们也继续严重关注《国家安全法》带来的更为广泛的阻吓效应以及言论自由和集会自由受到的愈加严格限制——这在公民社会各处有感。不支持政府议程的非政府组织、工会和人权机构被强迫解散或离开，媒体自由也迅速受到遏制。 保护和平的不同观点的空间是确保香港稳定与繁荣的最有效方式。我们敦促国中华人民共和采取与其国际义务相符的行动，尊重在香港受到保护的权利和基本自由，包括那些《中英联合声明》（Sino-British Joint Declaration）所保障的权利和基本自由。 欲查看原稿内容： https://www.state.gov/joint-statement-on-hong-kong-legislative-council-elections/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Joint Statement on Hong Kong Legislative Council Elections PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE DECEMBER 20, 2021 We, the Foreign Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom, and the United States Secretary of State, noting the outcome of the Legislative Council elections in Hong Kong, express our grave concern over the erosion of democratic elements of the Special Administrative Region’s electoral system. Actions that undermine Hong Kong’s rights, freedoms and high degree of autonomy are threatening our shared wish to see Hong Kong succeed. Since handover, candidates with diverse political views have contested elections in Hong Kong. Yesterday’s election has reversed this trend. The overhaul of Hong Kong’s electoral system introduced earlier this year reduced the number of directly elected seats and established a new vetting process to severely restrict the choice of candidates on the ballot paper. These changes eliminated any meaningful political opposition. Meanwhile, many of the city’s opposition politicians – most notably the majority of the “NSL 47” – remain in prison pending trial, with others in exile overseas. We also remain gravely concerned at the wider chilling effect of the National Security Law and the growing restrictions on freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, which are being felt across civil society. NGOs, trade unions and human rights organizations not supportive of the government’s agenda have been forced to disband or leave, while media freedoms are being curtailed at pace. Protecting space for peaceful alternative views is the most effective way to ensure the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong. We urge the People’s Republic of China to act in accordance with its international obligations to respect protected rights and fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong, including those guaranteed under the Sino-British Joint Declaration.

农历新年 媒体声明 国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯 2023年1月20日 我祝福世界各地所有庆祝农历新年的人们健康、平安和好运。这是一个为来年进行庆祝和心怀乐观的时候，而我特别想要表彰数以百万计庆祝这个新农历年的亚裔美国人。你们是缤纷多彩的美国社会不可或缺的组成部分。 对于所有在美国和全球各地庆祝农历新年的人们，我们希望兔年和猫年将能为所有人带来更多安全、繁荣和机遇。

PRESS STATEMENT  ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE JANUARY 20, 2023 I wish all observing the Lunar New Year around the world good health, peace, and good fortune. This is a time of celebration and optimism for the coming year, and I particularly wish to recognize the millions of Asian Americans who celebrate this new lunar year. You are an essential part of our American tapestry.  To all those celebrating in the United States and around the world, we hope the Year of the Rabbit and the Year of the Cat will bring greater security, prosperity, and opportunity for all.

美国建立在自由原则的基础上，其中包括对宗教自由这一根本需求的核心信念。今天，10月27日，美国庆祝国际宗教自由日，以确认这项基本权利的重要性。建国以来的这些年来，关于宗教自由在维护多样化、充满活力的社会上的重要性，我们的国家学到了很多——不是因为宗教自由容易维护，而是因为有必要去维护。这种认识已传遍世界各地，正如《世界人权宣言》第18条标志性地表明： 人人有思想、良心和宗教自由的权利；此项权利包括改变他的宗教或信仰的自由，以及单独或集体、公开或秘密地以教义、实践、礼拜和戒律表示他的宗教或信仰的自由。 在中国这里度过的两年中，我很高兴有机会访问了这个美丽的国家的许多角落。在中国社会和历史中，引起我注意的一点是中国宗教群体的多样性。我参观了庄严的佛教寺庙，那里有身披长袍的僧人群体。我见到了穆斯林伊玛目，并讨论了他们奉行的宗教传统在如此多个世纪以来一直是中国的一部分。我在中国各地的许多基督教教堂里都敬拜过。这些经历帮助我了解到，保护和促进宗教自由只会丰富中国的未来。

The United States was founded on principles of freedom, including a core belief in the essential need for religious freedom.  Today, October 27, the United States celebrates International Religious Freedom Day, in recognition of the importance of this fundamental right.  In the years since our founding, our country has learned a lot about the importance of religious freedom in maintaining a diverse, vibrant society—not because religious freedom is easy to maintain, but because it is necessary to maintain.   That recognition has spread throughout the world, as symbolized by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 18: Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance. In the two years I have spent here in China, I have appreciated the opportunity to visit many corners of this beautiful country.  One element of Chinese society and history that has drawn my attention is the diversity of China’s religious communities.  I have visited stately Buddhist temples, with their communities of robed monks.  I have met Muslim imams and discussed their practice of a religious tradition that has been part of China for so many centuries.  And I have worshipped at a number of Christian churches throughout the country.  These experiences have helped me understand that protecting and promoting religious freedom would only enrich China’s future.

2021年9月9日  约瑟夫·R·拜登总统今日与中华人民共和国(PRC)习近平主席通话。两位元首对我们利益趋同的领域以及我们利益、价值观和观点分歧的领域进行广泛、战略性的讨论。他们同意对这两类问题都进行开放且坦率的接触。这次讨论，如拜登总统所明确的，是美国持续努力负责任地管控美国和PRC之间的竞争的一部分。拜登总统强调印太及全世界的和平、稳定和繁荣对美国的持久利益。两位领导人讨论了两国确保竞争不转变成冲突的责任。 https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/09/09/readout-of-president-joseph-r-biden-jr-call-with-president-xi-jinping-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china/

SEPTEMBER 09, 2021 President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. spoke today with President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The two leaders had a broad, strategic discussion in which they discussed areas where our interests converge, and areas where our interests, values, and perspectives diverge. They agreed to engage on both sets of issues openly and straightforwardly. This discussion, as President Biden made clear, was part of the United States’ ongoing effort to responsibly manage the competition between the United States and the PRC. President Biden underscored the United States’ enduring interest in peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and the world and the two leaders discussed the responsibility of both nations to ensure competition does not veer into conflict.

FILE – In this Aug. 17, 2019 file photo, the super tanker Adrian Darya 1, formerly known as the Grace 1 sails in the British territory of Gibraltar. The Iranian oil tanker pursued by the U.S. is off the coast of Syria. The ship-tracking website MarineTraffic.com showed the Adrian Darya 1, slowed to a near-stop on Sunday. Sept. 1, 2019, some 50 nautical miles (92 kilometers) off Syria. The ship still does not list a destination for its 2.1 million barrels of oil, worth some $130 million. (AP Photo/Marcos Moreno, File) 新闻声明 国务卿 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥 2019年9月4日 对伊斯兰革命卫队-圣城军（IRGC-QF）庞大的石油运输网络实施制裁 今天，美国将16家实体和10名个人列为制裁对象，并鉴别出11艘船，这些船是一个庞大的航运网络的一部分，使得被列为外国恐怖组织的伊斯兰革命卫队-圣城军得以为凶残的阿萨德政权、真主党和其他恐怖主义行为者的利益出售非法石油。 随着今天的制裁，受制裁的个人和实体将被拒绝进入美国金融系统并被在线列为“特别指定全球恐怖分子”。此外，任何美国资产将被冻结。知情下向今天列出的个人和实体提供重要商品、服务或支持的非美国人士自己可能面临制裁后果。 这些列名突出了伊朗政权使用欺骗手段来销售其石油。海事界必须尽职尽责，以确保不为伊朗支持的恐怖主义提供资金。美国将继续与我们的盟友合作，剥夺伊朗用于资助恐怖分子代理人和破坏中东稳定的资源。 有关今天制裁的更多信息，请参阅美国财政部：https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm767

PRESS STATEMENT SEPTEMBER 4, 2019 MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE Sanctioning of Vast IRGC-QF Petroleum Shipping Network Today, the United States designated 16 entities and 10 individuals and identified 11 vessels that are part of a large shipping network enabling the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force, a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, to sell illicit oil for the benefit of the brutal Assad regime, Hizballah, and other terrorist actors. With today’s action, the sanctioned individuals and entities will be denied access to the U.S. financial system and listed online as Specially Designated Global Terrorists.  In addition, a freeze will be placed on any U.S. assets. Non-U.S. persons who knowingly provide significant goods, services, or support to the individuals and entities designated today may themselves face sanctions consequences. These designations highlight the Iranian regime’s use of deceptive tactics to sell its oil.  The maritime community must do its diligence to ensure it does not fund Iran-backed terrorism.  The United States will continue to work with our allies to deny Iran the resources it uses to fund terrorist proxies and destabilize the Middle East. For more information on today’s action, please refer to the U.S. Department of the Treasury: https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm767.

会谈纪要 发言人办公室  2023年6月21日   美国国务院发言人马修·米勒（Matthew Miller）发布的会谈纪要如下：  今天，安东尼·J·布林肯国务卿在英国伦敦举行的乌克兰重建会议（Ukraine Recovery Conference ）的间隙会见了来自加拿大、法国、德国、意大利、日本、英国和欧盟的代表。各方强调了他们对乌克兰持续的支持，以应对俄罗斯残酷的侵略战争。国务卿向与会人员介绍了他于6月18日至19日在北京与中华人民共和国（PRC）高级官员举行的会晤。七国集团（G7）注意到就中华人民共和国问题进行密切协调的重要性，并重申七国集团比以往任何时候都更加团结。

READOUT OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JUNE 21, 2023 The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with representatives from Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the EU on the sidelines of the Ukraine Recovery Conference in London, United Kingdom. They underscored their continued support for Ukraine in responding to Russia’s brutal war of aggression. The Secretary briefed the group on his meetings with senior People’s Republic of China (PRC) officials in Beijing on June 18-19. The G7 noted the importance of close coordination on the PRC and reaffirmed that the G7 is more united than ever.

DOS Seal Featured Image 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2019年7月22日 美国对从伊朗购买石油的中国珠海振戎有限公司实施制裁 由于中国珠海振戎有限公司（Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited）及其首席执行长违反美国的制裁行动，故意从伊朗购买或获取石油，今天美国按照我们对伊朗政权最大程度施加经济压力的方针采取进一步行动，对该公司实施制裁。我们曾表示我们将充分执行我们的制裁。我们现在正以实际行动履行职责。今天宣布的行动有助于阻止该政权获得重要的收入用于资助世界各地的恐怖，参与外国的冲突活动并进一步发展弹道导弹。伊朗政权必须停止这些破坏稳定的活动。 珠海振戎有限公司为了从伊朗购买或获取原油，故意参与一项重大的交易活动。涉及的交易在有关中国的大量减少进口豁免（Significant Reduction Exception）于2019年5月2日到期后发生，不在豁免范围内。总而言之，施加上述制裁要求冻结珠海振戎有限公司所有在美国或由美国人拥有或控制的财产和财产权益，使这类财产和财产权益可能不再被转移、支付、出口、提取或以其他方式处理。此外，美国对珠海振戎有限公司职员和首席执行长李右民施加多项限制并禁止其入境美国。为了执行我今天宣布的行动，财政部（Department of the Treasury）已将珠海振戎有限公司和李右民列入“特别指定国民和被禁人员名单”（List of Specially Designated Nationals）。 任何想规避我方制裁的实体都应该以今天宣布的行动为戒。制裁行动强调说明，我们坚决采取执行措施，追究伊朗政权的责任。美国将继续阻止这个政权获得资金。该政权利用手中的财富和巨大的资源中饱私囊，剥夺伊朗人民的机会并推行破坏性的对外政策。所有的实体都必须谨慎行事，完全避免与受制裁的伊朗实体和部门往来。任何公司或国家都不应心甘情愿地陷入有可能支持伊朗的伊斯兰革命卫队（Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps）或该政权地区代理人的处境。

The United States To Impose Sanctions on Chinese Firm Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited for Purchasing Oil From Iran PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE JULY 22, 2019 Today, the United States is taking further action as part of our maximum economic pressure campaign against the Iranian regime by imposing sanctions on the Chinese firm Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited and its chief executive for knowingly purchasing or acquiring oil from Iran, contrary to U.S. sanctions. We said we would fully enforce our sanctions, and we are backing this up with real action. The announcement today will help deny the regime critical income to fund terror around the world, engage in foreign conflicts, and advance its ballistic missile development. The Iranian regime must cease these destabilizing activities. Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited knowingly engaged in a significant transaction for the purchase or acquisition of crude oil from Iran. The transaction in question took place after the expiration of China’s Significant Reduction Exception (SRE) on May 2, 2019, and was not covered by that SRE. Among other things, the imposition of these sanctions blocks all property and interests in property of Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited that are in the United States or within the possession or control of a U.S. person, and provides that such property and interests in property may not be transferred, paid, exported, withdrawn, or otherwise dealt in. Additionally, the United States is imposing several restrictions as well as a ban on entry into the United States on Youmin Li, a corporate officer and principal executive officer of Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited. To implement my action today, the Department of the Treasury is adding Zhuhai Zhenrong Company Limited and Youmin Li to its List of Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons. Any entity considering evading our sanctions should take notice of this action today. It underscores our commitment to enforcement and to holding the Iranian regime accountable. The United States will continue to deny funding to this regime, which uses its wealth and tremendous resources to enrich itself, deprive the Iranian people of opportunity, and fuel its destructive foreign policy. All entities must do their diligence and stay well clear of sanctioned Iranian entities and sectors. No company or nation should be willing to expose itself to the possibility of supporting Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps or the regime’s regional proxies.

州议会与中国挑战 演讲 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥，国务卿 罗杰·罗斯，威斯康星州参议员 威斯康星州议会，麦迪逊，威斯康星州 2020年9月23日 查看英文全文，请点击这里：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/state-legislatures-and-the-china-challenge/

State Legislatures and the China Challenge SPEECH MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE ROGER ROTH, WISCONSIN STATE SENATOR WISCONSIN STATE CAPITOL, MADISON, WISCONSIN SEPTEMBER 23, 2020 SECRETARY POMPEO: Thanks, everyone. Good morning. Make sure we got that right. Well, good morning, everyone. It’s great to be back here. It’s great to be back in the Midwest. When I was flying in today, it looked a little like Kansas, made me warm all over. Thanks. Looks like we’re going to get some Big 10 football, that’s good too. (Applause.) Yeah. I was also reminded when Roger introduced me as the 70th secretary of state that President Trump is the 45th president, so there’s a lot more turnover in my job. And so I’ll do my best to hang on. Thanks for inviting me here, Roger. It took us a little while to put this all together with all that’s going on. And thanks to all the distinguished members of the Wisconsin state legislature here, friends from the business community, some of whom I had a chance to spend a few minutes with. Thank you for your commitment to this great country of ours. This venue, my goodness, it’s gorgeous – second prettiest venue after Lambeau Field, right, in Wisconsin? A lot of people were kidding with me before I came here. Indeed, the – some of the political press in Washington was saying, what the heck’s Secretary going to Wisconsin for? I know, it’s not a country, I get it. But what goes on here and the work that you all do is so important to the mission that I have and my team has at the State Department, that I feel like it’s my responsibility to get out and talk to you about what we’re doing, what we’re doing on behalf of the people of Wisconsin, the people of America. As Americans across the country were dealing with the pandemic that was released from Wuhan, they’ve been worried about their lives, their livelihoods. Senator Roth got an email from Wu Ting, a person who was in the consul at China’s consulate in Chicago – it landed in his email inbox. Ms. Wu stated that she was “responsible for China-Wisconsin relations.” The email included a draft resolution that she asked the Senator to pass – in this chamber – praising China’s response to the coronavirus. I want to just take this second to read a few excerpts. She wrote: “Whereas China’s action has been critical to the global fight against the epidemic, and China has adopted unprecedented and rigorous measures for disease control and prevention… …Whereas China has been transparent and quick in sharing key information of the virus with the World Health Organization and the international community…” Roger rightfully, thankfully, deleted the email, thought it was a hoax. I can tell you that the description, how she described the actions that the Chinese Communist Party took in response to the virus, were in fact all false. Of course, he got a follow-up email. She helpfully “attached a revised version of the proposed resolution.” Roger wrote a one-word response. He said: “nuts.” That has a lot of American history, that word and that response, and the chutzpah from an American who understood what it is that’s in the best interest of our country. Look, the Chinese Communist Party knew early on how virulent the coronavirus was that originated in Wuhan. They did what authoritarian regimes do. They oppress – suppressed information, they censored, they disappeared courageous whistleblowers and journalists who tried to sound the alarm all across the world. And they allowed people from Wuhan to travel to Italy and abroad. Ms. Wu was asking that we collectively whitewash the culpability for a global pandemic that’s killed more than 200,000 Americans, now nearly a million people across the globe, and has sent the global economy into a tailspin. Roger didn’t take the bait. Instead, Roger presented a resolution stating that “the Communist Party of China deliberately and intentionally misled the world on the Wuhan coronavirus.” It’s true. But here’s my question, and here’s where I want to launch today: How many of you would have seen that and thought something different or maybe even worked with her? I’m sure she’s a nice person. It’s an uncomfortable set of questions when we think about what the Chinese Communist Party’s doing through their embassies here in the United States. But what happened here in Wisconsin is happening all across the world. It’s happening all across the United States. It’s happening in statehouses all across America. In February of this year, I delivered a set of remarks to the National Governors Association about Chinese Communist Party influence operations right here inside the United States of America. And then subsequently, I organized a group – National Security Advisor O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, Attorney General Bill Barr have all talked about this same set of challenges that we face here in the United States. I want to distinguish importantly two things. First, look, plenty of countries try to influence our politics and our culture, and there’s nothing wrong with that. I’m not worried about the Alliance Francaise or the National Italian American organization or an Irish group. They’re fundamentally different than what the Chinese Communist Party is doing. It has a much more sinister view of this engagement. The party and its proxies aim to make Americans receptive to Beijing’s form of authoritarianism. Now, I use this language carefully. I talk about the Chinese Communist Party because I have a second distinction I want to draw, which is between that party and the people of China, between the leaders of China and those who want to live in China as free peoples in peace and prosperity and take care of their families in the same way that we all do here in the United States. Let me give you another data point on the Chinese Communist Party’s aims. In August, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xi Jinping told a group of government economists and sociologists in Beijing, quote, “We must actively develop cooperation with all countries, regions and enterprises willing to cooperate with us, including states, localities and enterprises in[side] the United States.” As the Secretary of State and as the former director of the Central Intelligence Agency, let me to translate. Xi knows that the federal government is pushing back again the Chinese Communist Party here in the United States and its malign influence, and it sees that here in the United States, and increasingly around the world, it can use subnational entities to circumvent America’s sovereignty. He thinks local leaders may well be the weak link. For him, when he uses the word “cooperation” and “opening up” he means that the Chinese Communist Party wants to create arrangements that benefit the Chinese Communist Party. We know this because for decades, the Chinese Communist Party deployed friendly language while stealing from our innovators – property, jobs, wealth – from here in the United States. We know that they built their military strength and that they have co-opted elites all around the world. Later in that same set of remarks, General Secretary Xi said that in fact he explicitly confirms that the purpose of his entreaties is outreach, is to put China “in an undefeatable and invincible position.” His words, not mine. The Chinese Communist party views itself as the true vanguard of Marxist-Leninist thought, which proposes that communist countries like theirs must struggle, must struggle and prevail against capitalist nations like ours. This isn’t the Cold War. This is different in kind, to be sure. I was a young soldier; I patrolled the border between East and West Germany. This is different. It’s why we have to have a conversation in our state legislatures about this China and this China challenge. And it’s important here in Wisconsin as it is in Washington. The good news. The good news is that we’re starting to have these conversations all around America, and not a moment too soon. President Trump has made clear the expectations he has for our government, our administration, and how we’ll respond to this challenge to protect the American people, to create prosperity and grow our economy. But we watch. We watch the CCP campaigns targeting state-level officials, local interests. We’ve seen them at PTA meetings. They have been in full swing for years, and they’re increasing in intensity. Much of that activity revolves around pressing state governments not to recognize, trade with, or otherwise engage with Taiwan. But that’s not all. I’ll give another example; and I could give many. In 2017, a California state senator proposed a bill merely expressing support for the Falun Gong practitioners in America and in China. It was oratory; it was a rhetorical resolution. These people that he was speaking to have suffered as tremendously under the Chinese Communist Party’s crackdowns on religious freedom as any others. The Chinese consulate – that is, Chinese diplomats – in San Francisco responded by writing a letter to the state legislature. It denounced Falun Gong as an “evil cult” and claimed that the bill might “deeply damage the cooperative relations between the State of California and China, and seriously hurt the feeling of Chinese people and the vast Chinese community in[side of] California.” Unfortunately, the California State Senate bowed to the CCP pressure and shelved the proposed bill. It’s just one example. The reality is that most every state legislature in the country has probably received a letter from the CCP much like Senator Roth’s email as part of coordinated propaganda campaign. The Chinese consulate in New York, for instance, is incredibly politically active. Then there is the next level down – CCP influence and espionage campaigns at the municipal and city levels. Just this week, you would have read in the papers the Department of Justice charged a New York Police Department officer and Army reservist with allegedly acting as an illegal agent of China. He is accused of reporting on the activities of Tibetans living in the United States back to the Chinese Communist Party. How telling. He even provided CCP officials with access to senior-level NYPD personnel through invitations to official events. Sound familiar to anyone? He told his handler that officials in Beijing, quote, “should be happy…because you have stretched your reach into the police,” end of quote. And we see it all over. We see it all over in America in sister-city programs – like the ones in Door County, La Crosse, Milwaukee, and Richland Center. They fall under the authority of something called the Chinese People’s Association of Friendship with Foreign Countries. Sounds benign. But that group is part of China’s United Front Work Department – the CCP’s official overseas propaganda tool. It’s one of the CCP’s three “Magic Weapons,” in the words of Chairman Mao, along with “armed struggle” and “party-building.” In other words, it may have “friendly” in its title, but it is not so when it comes to American interests. But the federal government can’t police every bit of this predatory and coercive behavior. We need your help. And the beauty of our federal system is that we don’t have to. You all can take up this mantle. Protecting American interests requires vigilance. Vigilance starts with you – and all state legislators, regardless of party. Know that when you are approached by a Chinese diplomat, it is likely not in the spirit of cooperation or friendship. Know that if you’re offered a trip to China when the pandemic travel restrictions are lifted, that you should ask who is paying for the trip, and if that person is linked – directly or indirectly – to the Chinese Communist Party. Know too that these approaches may happen from Chinese nationals or Americans working with CCP-linked interests. When you’re in your districts, make sure other local officials know of these risks as well. And there’s a lot you can do. There’s a lot you can do in this very chamber. You can pass laws to codify closer cooperation with federal agencies to assist them in the protection of intellectual property and investment screening and counter-infiltration operations. You can ignore CCP threats and encourage mayors and businesspeople to engage more broadly around the world. And as I told the nation’s governors, you can scrutinize your state pension funds. As of its last report, the Wisconsin Retirement System is invested in China Mobile and China Telecom. Both are state-owned giants and they’re an integral part of Chinese Orwellian surveillance system. Do you want your teachers, your firefighters, your policemen invested in those kinds of activities? You can also work to ensure your state colleges aren’t improperly influenced by CCP-linked organizations like the Confucius Institutes and that pro-democracy students from China, Hong Kong, or Taiwan studying in Wisconsin are not harassed. We want them here. Make sure they’re not being threatened by pro-Beijing elements on your campuses. Telling the truth about China isn’t remotely partisan. It’s principled. And it protects our people. Remember Ms. Wu at the consulate? Well, on April 2nd of this year, she forwarded a letter from her husband to the consul general in Chicago, to the district director of a great Wisconsin congressman named Mike Gallagher. The letter is full of CCP propaganda and disinformation about the pandemic, just like the one that was sent to Senator Roth. But what caught my eye in this missive was her declaration. She said, “We are firmly opposed to racial discrimination and xenophobia against the local Chinese community and stigmatization of China and the Chinese people over [this] virus.” They try to shape the storyline. They want you to believe that America’s righteous anger at the CCP over its handling of the coronavirus has something to do with race. It does not. It has everything to do with citizens who are no longer with us, children who aren’t able to go back to school, and jobs that have been lost. And importantly, the Chinese Communist Party knows this. The CCP thinks it can drown out American cries for accountability with shouts of racism. We won’t let that happen. We can’t. The CCP wants to foment the kind of strife we’ve seen in Minneapolis and Portland and Kenosha. That’s disgusting. We can’t let it happen. I’m confident it won’t. I’m always an optimist about America. There’s a reason that we remain the greatest nation in the history of civilization. Because Beijing’s best-laid plans are no match for American determination. The Trump administration rejects the idea that Beijing is destined for hegemony. No top-down totalitarian regime can ever best the ingenuity, will, power of the American people. We know that our system is more attractive to others. I see it wherever I go. People want to be connected to the United States of America. They want to join with us freely because they know that we too stand for freedom alongside them. And we’re not going to allow the CCP to interfere in our domestic politics either. We’ve put restrictions on Chinese diplomats that mirror the ones American diplomats are subject to inside of China. It’s remarkable. For years our diplomats were – couldn’t move around in Beijing, couldn’t meet with local officials, while Chinese diplomats ran free all across our country. Fairness, reciprocity, equality – that’s how diplomats will be treated in the Trump administration. We want to confirm American business is successful above all because of its moral standards. We’ve warned our businesses and universities to make sure that they aren’t unwittingly supporting the mass human rights abuses happening in Xinjiang province right now even as we’re here together today. Right now the FBI opens a China-related intellectual property theft case about once every 10 hours. Staggering. We at the State Department just revoked visas for about 1,000 Chinese nationals suspected of raiding our intellectual property on university campuses all across America. We want to make sure we protect our children from the CCP’s malign influence. We’ve formally designated the Confucius Institute’s U.S. headquarters as a foreign mission, and encouraged universities to shutter the doors on these programs quickly. And right now the State Department is reviewing the activities of two United Front Work Department organizations operating inside the United States: one, the U.S.-China Friendship Association; the other the China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful Reunification. These organizations include or have apparently attempted to exert influence on groups all across the public sphere, including in our schools, in our business associations, impacting local politicals – politicians, media outlets, and Chinese groups here inside the United States. We want to make sure that we get it all right, that we’re fighting to protect our wallets, our hearts, our minds, and our freedoms. Each of us – each of us as public officials must never be complacent or complicit in the CCP’s campaign to fracture American society and to silence American voices. Every one of us – and I know you’ll join me in this – must stand up for our sovereignty and for American values themselves. Democrat, Republican, independent, you have a friend in the Trump administration to help you push back against the CCP’s exploitation of our open society. Let’s do this together for the American people and the future of the greatest democracy in history. Thanks for letting me be with you today. I look forward to taking some questions for you. We have a good discussion. May God bless Wisconsin and the United States of America. Thanks. (Applause.) SENATOR ROTH: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Appreciated those remarks. Now you’ve got the hot job, though. That’s a – that’s the hot seat that we have you in here. SECRETARY POMPEO: No worries. SENATOR ROTH: I went and reached out to our legislators who are here today and just asked them to send questions to me, and I reworked some of them just so we could try and get a flow here, but I’m just going to give you a little I guess bird’s eye view of what people are thinking here, and hopefully you can provide some perspective for us. So the first question actually comes from two senators. One is Senator Steve Nass – he is a retired chief master sergeant in the Air National Guard – and then also Senator Dale Kooyenga, who is currently serving as a major in the Wisconsin Army National Guard. They’re off to your right. And they’re basically wondering something I think we’ve heard a lot about, that the traditional thinking in China is that if we open up their markets and make them more traditional and bring them more into the norms that we see – international norms when it comes to trade and so forth – that that’s going to bring them further towards a democratic way of governing. Yet if we look over the last, say, 20 years, we’ve seen China increasing its grip. We see the issues with the Uyghur Muslims. We see what happened in Hong Kong earlier this year, and then Senator Nass points to the militarization of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. So the question is: Is this traditional thinking in regards to market forces enforcing these democratic systems, or do we need a fundamental realignment in the approach? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, it’s perhaps the central question. Is Master Sergeant here somewhere? SENATOR ROTH: He is in the second row. Steve Nass, right there. SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ve always been scared of master sergeants. (Laughter.) As a young lieutenant, I knew to – I knew who was really in charge. So for 50 years, U.S. policy had as its central theme if we trade with them enough, then they will open up and they’ll stop, the predatory economic activity will cease, right – that’s what impacts us in the United States. So for all the human rights problems and all the challenges inside of China, what we’re most interested in is making sure that we compete with every nation on a set of fair and level trading rules and that everyone abides by the same central ideas of sovereignty and recognition of the rule of law. And the theory was if you trade with them enough, they’ll grow enough, they’ll bring hundreds of millions of people out of poverty – which they’ve done – and that kind of behavior will change. And I gave remarks at the Nixon Library now a couple of months back where I made very clear it’s – that’s failed. It just – it didn’t work. The theory that President Nixon and Dr. Kissinger had – and Dr. Kissinger’s become a good friend – it may have been the right thing for the early 1970s and it may well have been worth trying through the ’80s and ’90s, but we know that it didn’t deliver for the American people because you can see the tens of millions of jobs lost as a result of intellectual property (inaudible) and forced technology transfers that have had to take place from businesses right here in Wisconsin. We think about the largest businesses, but small and medium businesses – I ran a small business in Kansas for years – you could see them. They wanted to see our drawings, they wanted to see our engineering in order to trade with them. We have to fundamentally use the set of tools we have, the power that the United States has to simply demand a set of fair and reciprocal relationships in every dimension with China. I get asked another element of this question. It’s, “Well, what does President Trump want this to look like? What does the relationship look like five, 10, 15, 20 years from now?” And the answer is it looks like a relationship that is fair and balanced and where a nation – one nation doesn’t threaten another, or another set of countries’ livelihoods. And so that’s what we’ve been driving towards. So we welcome – when China shows up and competes on a fair and equitable basis and is a supplier to a company, that’s great. But what we see in far too many cases is the flipside of that, which is an inequitable relationship, people who won’t respect property, people – where there’s no remedy, there’s no judicial remedy for these wrongs, and it is a predatory activity that is just simply unacceptable to allow to continue. SENATOR ROTH: Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO: And more trade, increasing activity is unlikely to do anything but fuel their capacity to continue that kind of inequitable, oppressive behavior. SENATOR ROTH: So the next question which kind of follows up, this comes from Speaker Robin Vos. You had the opportunity to meet him earlier. He’s the popcorn king here in Wisconsin, got his own small business here. But is China’s move over the last couple of decades – particularly the last 10 years they’re expanding, they’re trying to invest in the world. They’ve got the Belt and Road initiative, which is heavy in third-world countries, but even some first-world nations in Europe. Their Huawei technology that they’re trying to – 5G technology they’re trying to deploy throughout Europe and others. And a number of commentators I think in the United States or experts are suggesting that this is happening in the absence of – a vacuum that exists because the current administration has strained these relationships with these powers, and now they’re going somewhere else. So the question, I guess: What risk does an increasing China investment in other nations pose to U.S. foreign and economic policy interests? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. This is – these problem sets long predate this administration, and I don’t mean this from a political perspective. They – this isn’t just about the previous Democrat administration. This was – this is now 25, 30 years on. This is not a political issue. I spoke to that. There is bipartisan consensus in Washington of the challenges from the Chinese Communist Party. I say that because what the Trump administration has tried to do is for the first time take on this challenge in a serious way, recognizing that it will take years to push back against every dimension of the infiltration, the connectivity that has developed over 25 or 30 years. You gave three examples. Let me walk through just one that’s very important. It has to do with telecommunications infrastructure. You mentioned Huawei as a particular company, but the challenge is greater. Every one of us has information out on electronic systems. Our kids do. It’s everywhere. It’s how we do business today. It’s how we engage in entertainment today. That information cannot travel across untrusted networks without putting all of us at risk. And so the Trump administration has said we’re not going to do that anymore. We’re not going to permit untrusted networks to be inside the American information system. We’re going to – we’re going to over time build out a system of services that we know we can rely upon that will have Western values, Western rule of law, a central understanding about transparency and openness. We’ll know where that property, that information property will be. This is a big challenge but we’ve made real progress. When we came in, they were – Huawei was on the rise, ZTE was on the rise, all of the Chinese telecommunications infrastructure. Look, they were showing up as state-owned enterprises and subsidizing these businesses. And so if you were a small country somewhere, it was cheap and it felt free. It ain’t free. (Laughter.) SENATOR ROTH: Right. SECRETARY POMPEO: There’s a cost. You may not pay it at the front end. It may not show up on the invoice. But there’s a real cost. And so we have – we have taken an approach that said, well, we know one thing we can control: that’s American information. And we’re going to demand that American information travel only across – in a trusted cloud, in a trusted network, across clean lines and telephone lines. And we’re going to get there. I’m very confident. By the way, this isn’t anti-China. Anybody who shows up, there’ll be a certification process. If the technology complies with that – that is, we can come to understand that that information has a chain of custody that we can come to trust – then that can come in. The source of it is immaterial. That is, if it’s built in China or Europe or Wisconsin, so be it. We have the national security imperative to get this right. Otherwise we will live in an information system that looks more like the one that’s inside of China today – right – a gated, firewalled, a compartmentalized for private citizens, and a massive Orwellian state from the central government. This is not the world that the American people or the people of Europe or, frankly, people in Africa or Asia want to live in. And we have begun to turn course in the telecommunications infrastructure and in other places, which begins to chart the right path for freedom and liberty. SENATOR ROTH: And it seems like that’s paying some positive results, just in European countries turning away from Huawei in particular, some of them at any rate. SECRETARY POMPEO: Look, the first thing with them – everybody knows the 12-step program, right? (Laughter.) “I have a problem.” The world has this challenge and we had to go acknowledge – the first thing we had to do is – and I spent my first six, eight months traveling the world sharing data and facts about risks: political risk, economic risk, military risk, security and privacy risk for the information belonging to your citizens. And that information effort, just the going out there and making sure everybody recognized the risk, has in fact led there to be big changes in how the world thinks about engaging with the Chinese Communist Party. SENATOR ROTH: So the next question comes from Representative Jim Steineke and it kind of goes along on the trade issue. And oftentimes when we have national figures at that level engaging in discussions, it doesn’t translate down to Wisconsinites in their small businesses, on their farms, and what impacts that might have. We see over the first few years of the – actually up until the COVID crisis, almost like a ping-pong ball, our trade and the retaliation in tariffs between us and China just going back and forth. His question is: “How can we ensure that we’re holding China accountable for their abuses in trade and monetary practices, while at the same time making sure that we’re keeping our Wisconsin businesses here competitive and afloat?” SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. So I go back to what President Trump talked about during his first campaign back in 2015 and throughout 2016. He talked about where we were with respect to what – where a small Kansas business sat vis China. If that small Kansas business wanted to invest in China, it couldn’t own a majority control. The Chinese company equivalent could own one here in the United States. The trade relationship was grossly different; there were huge tariffs. The Chinese Communist Party managed to convince the world that they’re still a developing nation. They get the enormous advantages that come from being a developing nation inside the WTO – these cheaper products, where a Wisconsin company or a Kansas company has no shot at competing with that. And so the President set about trying to identify the tools that we had available to turn the course, to change the nature of the relationship, the trade and economic relationship between the United States and China. So the first effort was to reach out to the Chinese and say we want to negotiate a fair and equitable and reciprocal trade agreement, and so set about it from the beginning. It didn’t make a lot of progress. So he began to use America’s economic power through the tool of tariffs to impose real cost on Chinese businesses. He is mindful that had an impact on American business as well, to the good for some, to the detriment of others. Certainly, Kansas agriculture community was impacted by those tariffs as well. We have to flip the nature of the relationship; it’s imperative. We have to get on equal footing. And if there are costs in the short run, I am convinced that most Americans are prepared to say, “I’ll do that.” That’s the right thing to do. It’s the right thing to do for freedom, democracy. It will ultimately be the right thing to do for their business as well. And so we’ve tried to ameliorate the harms to small and medium businesses here in the near term for what will be a enormously important strategic shift which will benefit every American business from the smallest business in Wisconsin to medium-size businesses in places like Kansas and Iowa, and to the larger businesses that are operating on a global scale, where they’ll have the real opportunity tactically to compete on a fair and level playing field. That’s the mission set. That’s the purpose of the tariffs. The President’s been very clear he’d love to live in a world with no tariffs, no trade barriers — SENATOR ROTH: Right. SECRETARY POMPEO: — wide open, let the finest compete. I am confident that Wisconsinites would crush it given that opportunity. But to get there, there have had to be costs imposed, and the President is determined to continue to do that to deliver the right outcomes for Wisconsin businesses and for businesses all across the country. SENATOR ROTH: Thank you. The next question comes straight from me. SECRETARY POMPEO: All right. SENATOR ROTH: And it deals with your Commission on Unalienable Rights, which I have been following with some interest, and I just want to give you an opportunity to just let everyone know how you came about forming this commission and what the results of the commission were, and what you’re hoping to do with that as it relates to foreign policy. SECRETARY POMPEO: I appreciate that. When people talk about human rights, it’s easy for us to just kind of shut down. It seems ephemeral; it seems very international and airy. The truth is that the bedrock of what our founders delivered for each of us was this set of fundamental rights that we all hold: the right to practice our faith in the way that we wanted to, the right to protect our own property and to preserve property rights across America, the right to speak our minds freely if we disagree. We take those for granted sometimes inside of the United States. And I watched our State Department operate across the globe trying to help other citizens have that for themselves as well, and it became – it was confusing. Which rights, how many rights, how hard are we going to fight? And so I asked a group of people led by a woman named Mary Ann Glendon to go back and re-ground American foreign policy in the traditions of our founders, the things that have made this nation so unique and so special, so that the State Department would have a set of principles upon which to reflect as we moved around in the world and said what are the things that are essential. Because every human being is made in the image of God that the Lord gave us, no government should be able to or can either grant us or take away. And so they wrote a report now a couple of months back. I’d urge you to go take a look at it – take you 25 minutes or 30 minutes to flip through it – and it will remind you of what is so special about Wisconsin and about America and why it is that we have been so successful, and why we continue to be the place that people from all across the world not only want to come and travel to, to engage in, to visit, but they want to emulate. The – our founders had the right end of this with these set of rights that are so fundamental that we have the obligation to preserve and protect them. And I wanted to make sure that my team, my State Department team was re-grounded in that history and it didn’t become lost in this plethora of rights language that is often fomented around the world, which benefits countries like Iran and Venezuela and China. They talk about human rights in China and yet we watch what’s really taking place there. I wanted to make sure we had the language, the rhetoric, and that core understanding readily available for my whole team. SENATOR ROTH: Yeah, thank you for that. This next question comes from Senator Pat Testin and it’s still on the human rights theme. He’s the guy in the blue mask way in the back-center there. There’s rumors the U.S. Government is contemplating issuing an atrocity determination for the Uyghur Muslims in China. Can you talk a little about what that might be, what that might mean, and the effect that it might have, and then why this is a focus for you and the administration? SECRETARY POMPEO: So the administration has made religious freedom a real priority all around the world. The President spoke about this – it would have been a year ago almost exactly, at the United Nations – this idea that a human being must have the capacity and the right to exercise their conscience. Some people will choose no faith. Christians, Muslims, Jews, everybody – but everybody has to have this freedom. What’s happening in this western part of China that you referred to is the antithesis of that, a group of people because of who they are, their beliefs, their race, are being treated in the most horrendous way – forced sterilizations, forced abortions, a surveillance system 24/7. We – the public number we use is about a million people trapped in this terrible condition, and the United States has a responsibility to call this out. We’re considering the language we’ll use and how we’ll describe it. When the United States speaks about crimes against humanity or genocide, we’re very – we try to be very precise and very careful because it carries enormous weight. But make no mistake, what’s happening in those places the world is awakening to, and all we ask is that the Chinese Government cease that kind of activity and treat these people with the respect which they have earned by nature of their humanity. It’s really that simple. SENATOR ROTH: I remember as a small child watching on the television screen as in – the Berlin Wall came down and freedom came to those — SECRETARY POMPEO: You’re a very young man. SENATOR ROTH: I am a – yeah, right. (Laughter.) Yeah. And now we’re seeing in Hong Kong – I introduced earlier the head of the student association here for Hong Kong Marco Lam – we’re seeing in Hong Kong actually almost the opposite of that, where you have this city that’s going the other direction because of China and their security law. I know the United Kingdom – they’re working to provide visas for them, or at least for some of them, potentially 3 million of them. Are there things that the United States is able to do and things that you guys are contemplating to support the democracy-loving people in Hong Kong? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. We’ve actually done quite a bit. It’s really unfortunate. In the end, this is an example – what’s taking place in Hong Kong today is another example of broken promises from the Chinese Communist Party. So they promised in 2015 that they wouldn’t arm the South China Sea, and in fact have now violated that core promise they made. In Hong Kong they made a promise for 50 years – really to the British Government, but it was a UN-certified agreement – they made a promise that for 50 years they would treat Hong Kong fundamentally differently, one – the idea was one country but there would be a separate system, two systems. And they busted that promise. I think that’s very telling when nations don’t live up to the commitments that they chose to make. And so we’ve done what we can to support the free people of Hong Kong. It’s their fight. The United Kingdom has done good work in saying for those of you who were in Hong Kong on the understanding that you would still have another decade and a half of freedom – they have a very special relationship, a set of visa rules that are different from ours. I think they’re going to take on-board some of those people. But we have begun, as the President said in the executive order, to say that if the Chinese Government is going to treat Hong Kong as just another communist city, then we will too. So all of the special arrangements that existed between the United States and Hong Kong, agreements that were different from what we had with mainland China, the President said end them. If they’re going to treat this as the same thing, if they’re going to treat the people of Hong Kong just like they do the people in other parts of the country, then the United States should do that as well. And we’ve – we’re – we’ve made great progress along that way, all the while supporting the democratic rights of those people in the same way that we are hopeful that the people all across China will have the very human rights and freedoms that they so richly deserve. SENATOR ROTH: Well, Mr. Secretary, our time here is drawing to a close. But just in the brief conversation that we’ve had, I think it’s pretty obvious to everybody that there are some serious challenges out there in the world today, and we appreciate your leadership on those. Is there some closing thoughts or comments that you might have for our legislators here, policymakers, and business leaders here in Wisconsin? SECRETARY POMPEO: I consider myself a manufacture guy. It’s where I began before I lost my mind and ran for Congress. I now have the privilege to serve as America’s Secretary of State. And you should know that I think about my family’s life back in Kansas, my – there’s a family farm at a little place called Winfield that I think one of my cousins owns now. It’s easy to think these are disconnected, but America’s place in the world, our capacity, our economic might is central to my ability to deliver good outcomes around the world. And so I want to say thank you to everyone who gets up every morning, goes to work, does their best to create value for their company; for every kid who goes to school and studies just as hard as they can. I hope you’d all study math and science and engineering. We need more of that technical capability here in the United States. Know that President Trump and I, when we travel the world and are engaged in these important, complex issues around the world, have deeply focused on the idea that if we get it right here in America, if we – the President uses the language of “America First” – if we get it right here, we will absolutely benefit you all. We’ll benefit the people of Wisconsin, and we’ll benefit people all across the United States of America, but we’ll also be a force for good around the world. A successful, prosperous, free America is a absolute pillar for the same kind of opportunities for people all across the world. And so we’re very focused on making sure we always remember the places from where we came, and when we get that right, when we deliver good outcomes here for the United States, then my work as the Secretary of State will be much more fruitful. So thank you for having me here today. It’s been a joy, a lot of fun, a real blessing to be here with you. Thanks for what you all do every day to make sure that Wisconsin’s doing well. Bless you all. SENATOR ROTH: Thank you. On behalf of Speaker Vos and our entire legislature, thank you for coming to our state capital today. Appreciate it. SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you all. Good luck. (Applause.) SECRETARY POMPEO: Thanks, everyone. Good morning. Make sure we got that right. Well, good morning, everyone. It’s great to be back here. It’s great to be back in the Midwest. When I was flying in today, it looked a little like Kansas, made me warm all over. Thanks. Looks like we’re going to get some Big 10 football, that’s good too. (Applause.) Yeah. I was also reminded when Roger introduced me as the 70th secretary of state that President Trump is the 45th president, so there’s a lot more turnover in my job. And so I’ll do my best to hang on. Thanks for inviting me here, Roger. It took us a little while to put this all together with all that’s going on. And thanks to all the distinguished members of the Wisconsin state legislature here, friends from the business community, some of whom I had a chance to spend a few minutes with. Thank you for your commitment to this great country of ours. This venue, my goodness, it’s gorgeous – second prettiest venue after Lambeau Field, right, in Wisconsin? A lot of people were kidding with me before I came here. Indeed, the – some of the political press in Washington was saying, what the heck’s Secretary going to Wisconsin for? I know, it’s not a country, I get it. But what goes on here and the work that you all do is so important to the mission that I have and my team has at the State Department, that I feel like it’s my responsibility to get out and talk to you about what we’re doing, what we’re doing on behalf of the people of Wisconsin, the people of America. As Americans across the country were dealing with the pandemic that was released from Wuhan, they’ve been worried about their lives, their livelihoods. Senator Roth got an email from Wu Ting, a person who was in the consul at China’s consulate in Chicago – it landed in his email inbox. Ms. Wu stated that she was “responsible for China-Wisconsin relations.” The email included a draft resolution that she asked the Senator to pass – in this chamber – praising China’s response to the coronavirus. I want to just take this second to read a few excerpts. She wrote: “Whereas China’s action has been critical to the global fight against the epidemic, and China has adopted unprecedented and rigorous measures for disease control and prevention… …Whereas China has been transparent and quick in sharing key information of the virus with the World Health Organization and the international community…” Roger rightfully, thankfully, deleted the email, thought it was a hoax. I can tell you that the description, how she described the actions that the Chinese Communist Party took in response to the virus, were in fact all false. Of course, he got a follow-up email. She helpfully “attached a revised version of the proposed resolution.” Roger wrote a one-word response. He said: “nuts.” That has a lot of American history, that word and that response, and the chutzpah from an American who understood what it is that’s in the best interest of our country. Look, the Chinese Communist Party knew early on how virulent the coronavirus was that originated in Wuhan. They did what authoritarian regimes do. They oppress – suppressed information, they censored, they disappeared courageous whistleblowers and journalists who tried to sound the alarm all across the world. And they allowed people from Wuhan to travel to Italy and abroad. Ms. Wu was asking that we collectively whitewash the culpability for a global pandemic that’s killed more than 200,000 Americans, now nearly a million people across the globe, and has sent the global economy into a tailspin. Roger didn’t take the bait. Instead, Roger presented a resolution stating that “the Communist Party of China deliberately and intentionally misled the world on the Wuhan coronavirus.” It’s true. But here’s my question, and here’s where I want to launch today: How many of you would have seen that and thought something different or maybe even worked with her? I’m sure she’s a nice person. It’s an uncomfortable set of questions when we think about what the Chinese Communist Party’s doing through their embassies here in the United States. But what happened here in Wisconsin is happening all across the world. It’s happening all across the United States. It’s happening in statehouses all across America. In February of this year, I delivered a set of remarks to the National Governors Association about Chinese Communist Party influence operations right here inside the United States of America. And then subsequently, I organized a group – National Security Advisor O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, Attorney General Bill Barr have all talked about this same set of challenges that we face here in the United States. I want to distinguish importantly two things. First, look, plenty of countries try to influence our politics and our culture, and there’s nothing wrong with that. I’m not worried about the Alliance Francaise or the National Italian American organization or an Irish group. They’re fundamentally different than what the Chinese Communist Party is doing. It has a much more sinister view of this engagement. The party and its proxies aim to make Americans receptive to Beijing’s form of authoritarianism. Now, I use this language carefully. I talk about the Chinese Communist Party because I have a second distinction I want to draw, which is between that party and the people of China, between the leaders of China and those who want to live in China as free peoples in peace and prosperity and take care of their families in the same way that we all do here in the United States. Let me give you another data point on the Chinese Communist Party’s aims. In August, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xi Jinping told a group of government economists and sociologists in Beijing, quote, “We must actively develop cooperation with all countries, regions and enterprises willing to cooperate with us, including states, localities and enterprises in[side] the United States.” As the Secretary of State and as the former director of the Central Intelligence Agency, let me to translate. Xi knows that the federal government is pushing back again the Chinese Communist Party here in the United States and its malign influence, and it sees that here in the United States, and increasingly around the world, it can use subnational entities to circumvent America’s sovereignty. He thinks local leaders may well be the weak link. For him, when he uses the word “cooperation” and “opening up” he means that the Chinese Communist Party wants to create arrangements that benefit the Chinese Communist Party. We know this because for decades, the Chinese Communist Party deployed friendly language while stealing from our innovators – property, jobs, wealth – from here in the United States. We know that they built their military strength and that they have co-opted elites all around the world. Later in that same set of remarks, General Secretary Xi said that in fact he explicitly confirms that the purpose of his entreaties is outreach, is to put China “in an undefeatable and invincible position.” His words, not mine. The Chinese Communist party views itself as the true vanguard of Marxist-Leninist thought, which proposes that communist countries like theirs must struggle, must struggle and prevail against capitalist nations like ours. This isn’t the Cold War. This is different in kind, to be sure. I was a young soldier; I patrolled the border between East and West Germany. This is different. It’s why we have to have a conversation in our state legislatures about this China and this China challenge. And it’s important here in Wisconsin as it is in Washington. The good news. The good news is that we’re starting to have these conversations all around America, and not a moment too soon. President Trump has made clear the expectations he has for our government, our administration, and how we’ll respond to this challenge to protect the American people, to create prosperity and grow our economy. But we watch. We watch the CCP campaigns targeting state-level officials, local interests. We’ve seen them at PTA meetings. They have been in full swing for years, and they’re increasing in intensity. Much of that activity revolves around pressing state governments not to recognize, trade with, or otherwise engage with Taiwan. But that’s not all. I’ll give another example; and I could give many. In 2017, a California state senator proposed a bill merely expressing support for the Falun Gong practitioners in America and in China. It was oratory; it was a rhetorical resolution. These people that he was speaking to have suffered as tremendously under the Chinese Communist Party’s crackdowns on religious freedom as any others. The Chinese consulate – that is, Chinese diplomats – in San Francisco responded by writing a letter to the state legislature. It denounced Falun Gong as an “evil cult” and claimed that the bill might “deeply damage the cooperative relations between the State of California and China, and seriously hurt the feeling of Chinese people and the vast Chinese community in[side of] California.” Unfortunately, the California State Senate bowed to the CCP pressure and shelved the proposed bill. It’s just one example. The reality is that most every state legislature in the country has probably received a letter from the CCP much like Senator Roth’s email as part of coordinated propaganda campaign. The Chinese consulate in New York, for instance, is incredibly politically active. Then there is the next level down – CCP influence and espionage campaigns at the municipal and city levels. Just this week, you would have read in the papers the Department of Justice charged a New York Police Department officer and Army reservist with allegedly acting as an illegal agent of China. He is accused of reporting on the activities of Tibetans living in the United States back to the Chinese Communist Party. How telling. He even provided CCP officials with access to senior-level NYPD personnel through invitations to official events. Sound familiar to anyone? He told his handler that officials in Beijing, quote, “should be happy…because you have stretched your reach into the police,” end of quote. And we see it all over. We see it all over in America in sister-city programs – like the ones in Door County, La Crosse, Milwaukee, and Richland Center. They fall under the authority of something called the Chinese People’s Association of Friendship with Foreign Countries. Sounds benign. But that group is part of China’s United Front Work Department – the CCP’s official overseas propaganda tool. It’s one of the CCP’s three “Magic Weapons,” in the words of Chairman Mao, along with “armed struggle” and “party-building.” In other words, it may have “friendly” in its title, but it is not so when it comes to American interests. But the federal government can’t police every bit of this predatory and coercive behavior. We need your help. And the beauty of our federal system is that we don’t have to. You all can take up this mantle. Protecting American interests requires vigilance. Vigilance starts with you – and all state legislators, regardless of party. Know that when you are approached by a Chinese diplomat, it is likely not in the spirit of cooperation or friendship. Know that if you’re offered a trip to China when the pandemic travel restrictions are lifted, that you should ask who is paying for the trip, and if that person is linked – directly or indirectly – to the Chinese Communist Party. Know too that these approaches may happen from Chinese nationals or Americans working with CCP-linked interests. When you’re in your districts, make sure other local officials know of these risks as well. And there’s a lot you can do. There’s a lot you can do in this very chamber. You can pass laws to codify closer cooperation with federal agencies to assist them in the protection of intellectual property and investment screening and counter-infiltration operations. You can ignore CCP threats and encourage mayors and businesspeople to engage more broadly around the world. And as I told the nation’s governors, you can scrutinize your state pension funds. As of its last report, the Wisconsin Retirement System is invested in China Mobile and China Telecom. Both are state-owned giants and they’re an integral part of Chinese Orwellian surveillance system. Do you want your teachers, your firefighters, your policemen invested in those kinds of activities? You can also work to ensure your state colleges aren’t improperly influenced by CCP-linked organizations like the Confucius Institutes and that pro-democracy students from China, Hong Kong, or Taiwan studying in Wisconsin are not harassed. We want them here. Make sure they’re not being threatened by pro-Beijing elements on your campuses. Telling the truth about China isn’t remotely partisan. It’s principled. And it protects our people. Remember Ms. Wu at the consulate? Well, on April 2nd of this year, she forwarded a letter from her husband to the consul general in Chicago, to the district director of a great Wisconsin congressman named Mike Gallagher. The letter is full of CCP propaganda and disinformation about the pandemic, just like the one that was sent to Senator Roth. But what caught my eye in this missive was her declaration. She said, “We are firmly opposed to racial discrimination and xenophobia against the local Chinese community and stigmatization of China and the Chinese people over [this] virus.” They try to shape the storyline. They want you to believe that America’s righteous anger at the CCP over its handling of the coronavirus has something to do with race. It does not. It has everything to do with citizens who are no longer with us, children who aren’t able to go back to school, and jobs that have been lost. And importantly, the Chinese Communist Party knows this. The CCP thinks it can drown out American cries for accountability with shouts of racism. We won’t let that happen. We can’t. The CCP wants to foment the kind of strife we’ve seen in Minneapolis and Portland and Kenosha. That’s disgusting. We can’t let it happen. I’m confident it won’t. I’m always an optimist about America. There’s a reason that we remain the greatest nation in the history of civilization. Because Beijing’s best-laid plans are no match for American determination. The Trump administration rejects the idea that Beijing is destined for hegemony. No top-down totalitarian regime can ever best the ingenuity, will, power of the American people. We know that our system is more attractive to others. I see it wherever I go. People want to be connected to the United States of America. They want to join with us freely because they know that we too stand for freedom alongside them. And we’re not going to allow the CCP to interfere in our domestic politics either. We’ve put restrictions on Chinese diplomats that mirror the ones American diplomats are subject to inside of China. It’s remarkable. For years our diplomats were – couldn’t move around in Beijing, couldn’t meet with local officials, while Chinese diplomats ran free all across our country. Fairness, reciprocity, equality – that’s how diplomats will be treated in the Trump administration. We want to confirm American business is successful above all because of its moral standards. We’ve warned our businesses and universities to make sure that they aren’t unwittingly supporting the mass human rights abuses happening in Xinjiang province right now even as we’re here together today. Right now the FBI opens a China-related intellectual property theft case about once every 10 hours. Staggering. We at the State Department just revoked visas for about 1,000 Chinese nationals suspected of raiding our intellectual property on university campuses all across America. We want to make sure we protect our children from the CCP’s malign influence. We’ve formally designated the Confucius Institute’s U.S. headquarters as a foreign mission, and encouraged universities to shutter the doors on these programs quickly. And right now the State Department is reviewing the activities of two United Front Work Department organizations operating inside the United States: one, the U.S.-China Friendship Association; the other the China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful Reunification. These organizations include or have apparently attempted to exert influence on groups all across the public sphere, including in our schools, in our business associations, impacting local politicals – politicians, media outlets, and Chinese groups here inside the United States. We want to make sure that we get it all right, that we’re fighting to protect our wallets, our hearts, our minds, and our freedoms. Each of us – each of us as public officials must never be complacent or complicit in the CCP’s campaign to fracture American society and to silence American voices. Every one of us – and I know you’ll join me in this – must stand up for our sovereignty and for American values themselves. Democrat, Republican, independent, you have a friend in the Trump administration to help you push back against the CCP’s exploitation of our open society. Let’s do this together for the American people and the future of the greatest democracy in history. Thanks for letting me be with you today. I look forward to taking some questions for you. We have a good discussion. May God bless Wisconsin and the United States of America. Thanks. (Applause.) SENATOR ROTH: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Appreciated those remarks. Now you’ve got the hot job, though. That’s a – that’s the hot seat that we have you in here. SECRETARY POMPEO: No worries. SENATOR ROTH: I went and reached out to our legislators who are here today and just asked them to send questions to me, and I reworked some of them just so we could try and get a flow here, but I’m just going to give you a little I guess bird’s eye view of what people are thinking here, and hopefully you can provide some perspective for us. So the first question actually comes from two senators. One is Senator Steve Nass – he is a retired chief master sergeant in the Air National Guard – and then also Senator Dale Kooyenga, who is currently serving as a major in the Wisconsin Army National Guard. They’re off to your right. And they’re basically wondering something I think we’ve heard a lot about, that the traditional thinking in China is that if we open up their markets and make them more traditional and bring them more into the norms that we see – international norms when it comes to trade and so forth – that that’s going to bring them further towards a democratic way of governing. Yet if we look over the last, say, 20 years, we’ve seen China increasing its grip. We see the issues with the Uyghur Muslims. We see what happened in Hong Kong earlier this year, and then Senator Nass points to the militarization of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. So the question is: Is this traditional thinking in regards to market forces enforcing these democratic systems, or do we need a fundamental realignment in the approach? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, it’s perhaps the central question. Is Master Sergeant here somewhere? SENATOR ROTH: He is in the second row. Steve Nass, right there. SECRETARY POMPEO: I’ve always been scared of master sergeants. (Laughter.) As a young lieutenant, I knew to – I knew who was really in charge. So for 50 years, U.S. policy had as its central theme if we trade with them enough, then they will open up and they’ll stop, the predatory economic activity will cease, right – that’s what impacts us in the United States. So for all the human rights problems and all the challenges inside of China, what we’re most interested in is making sure that we compete with every nation on a set of fair and level trading rules and that everyone abides by the same central ideas of sovereignty and recognition of the rule of law. And the theory was if you trade with them enough, they’ll grow enough, they’ll bring hundreds of millions of people out of poverty – which they’ve done – and that kind of behavior will change. And I gave remarks at the Nixon Library now a couple of months back where I made very clear it’s – that’s failed. It just – it didn’t work. The theory that President Nixon and Dr. Kissinger had – and Dr. Kissinger’s become a good friend – it may have been the right thing for the early 1970s and it may well have been worth trying through the ’80s and ’90s, but we know that it didn’t deliver for the American people because you can see the tens of millions of jobs lost as a result of intellectual property (inaudible) and forced technology transfers that have had to take place from businesses right here in Wisconsin. We think about the largest businesses, but small and medium businesses – I ran a small business in Kansas for years – you could see them. They wanted to see our drawings, they wanted to see our engineering in order to trade with them. We have to fundamentally use the set of tools we have, the power that the United States has to simply demand a set of fair and reciprocal relationships in every dimension with China. I get asked another element of this question. It’s, “Well, what does President Trump want this to look like? What does the relationship look like five, 10, 15, 20 years from now?” And the answer is it looks like a relationship that is fair and balanced and where a nation – one nation doesn’t threaten another, or another set of countries’ livelihoods. And so that’s what we’ve been driving towards. So we welcome – when China shows up and competes on a fair and equitable basis and is a supplier to a company, that’s great. But what we see in far too many cases is the flipside of that, which is an inequitable relationship, people who won’t respect property, people – where there’s no remedy, there’s no judicial remedy for these wrongs, and it is a predatory activity that is just simply unacceptable to allow to continue. SENATOR ROTH: Thank you. SECRETARY POMPEO: And more trade, increasing activity is unlikely to do anything but fuel their capacity to continue that kind of inequitable, oppressive behavior. SENATOR ROTH: So the next question which kind of follows up, this comes from Speaker Robin Vos. You had the opportunity to meet him earlier. He’s the popcorn king here in Wisconsin, got his own small business here. But is China’s move over the last couple of decades – particularly the last 10 years they’re expanding, they’re trying to invest in the world. They’ve got the Belt and Road initiative, which is heavy in third-world countries, but even some first-world nations in Europe. Their Huawei technology that they’re trying to – 5G technology they’re trying to deploy throughout Europe and others. And a number of commentators I think in the United States or experts are suggesting that this is happening in the absence of – a vacuum that exists because the current administration has strained these relationships with these powers, and now they’re going somewhere else. So the question, I guess: What risk does an increasing China investment in other nations pose to U.S. foreign and economic policy interests? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. This is – these problem sets long predate this administration, and I don’t mean this from a political perspective. They – this isn’t just about the previous Democrat administration. This was – this is now 25, 30 years on. This is not a political issue. I spoke to that. There is bipartisan consensus in Washington of the challenges from the Chinese Communist Party. I say that because what the Trump administration has tried to do is for the first time take on this challenge in a serious way, recognizing that it will take years to push back against every dimension of the infiltration, the connectivity that has developed over 25 or 30 years. You gave three examples. Let me walk through just one that’s very important. It has to do with telecommunications infrastructure. You mentioned Huawei as a particular company, but the challenge is greater. Every one of us has information out on electronic systems. Our kids do. It’s everywhere. It’s how we do business today. It’s how we engage in entertainment today. That information cannot travel across untrusted networks without putting all of us at risk. And so the Trump administration has said we’re not going to do that anymore. We’re not going to permit untrusted networks to be inside the American information system. We’re going to – we’re going to over time build out a system of services that we know we can rely upon that will have Western values, Western rule of law, a central understanding about transparency and openness. We’ll know where that property, that information property will be. This is a big challenge but we’ve made real progress. When we came in, they were – Huawei was on the rise, ZTE was on the rise, all of the Chinese telecommunications infrastructure. Look, they were showing up as state-owned enterprises and subsidizing these businesses. And so if you were a small country somewhere, it was cheap and it felt free. It ain’t free. (Laughter.) SENATOR ROTH: Right. SECRETARY POMPEO: There’s a cost. You may not pay it at the front end. It may not show up on the invoice. But there’s a real cost. And so we have – we have taken an approach that said, well, we know one thing we can control: that’s American information. And we’re going to demand that American information travel only across – in a trusted cloud, in a trusted network, across clean lines and telephone lines. And we’re going to get there. I’m very confident. By the way, this isn’t anti-China. Anybody who shows up, there’ll be a certification process. If the technology complies with that – that is, we can come to understand that that information has a chain of custody that we can come to trust – then that can come in. The source of it is immaterial. That is, if it’s built in China or Europe or Wisconsin, so be it. We have the national security imperative to get this right. Otherwise we will live in an information system that looks more like the one that’s inside of China today – right – a gated, firewalled, a compartmentalized for private citizens, and a massive Orwellian state from the central government. This is not the world that the American people or the people of Europe or, frankly, people in Africa or Asia want to live in. And we have begun to turn course in the telecommunications infrastructure and in other places, which begins to chart the right path for freedom and liberty. SENATOR ROTH: And it seems like that’s paying some positive results, just in European countries turning away from Huawei in particular, some of them at any rate. SECRETARY POMPEO: Look, the first thing with them – everybody knows the 12-step program, right? (Laughter.) “I have a problem.” The world has this challenge and we had to go acknowledge – the first thing we had to do is – and I spent my first six, eight months traveling the world sharing data and facts about risks: political risk, economic risk, military risk, security and privacy risk for the information belonging to your citizens. And that information effort, just the going out there and making sure everybody recognized the risk, has in fact led there to be big changes in how the world thinks about engaging with the Chinese Communist Party. SENATOR ROTH: So the next question comes from Representative Jim Steineke and it kind of goes along on the trade issue. And oftentimes when we have national figures at that level engaging in discussions, it doesn’t translate down to Wisconsinites in their small businesses, on their farms, and what impacts that might have. We see over the first few years of the – actually up until the COVID crisis, almost like a ping-pong ball, our trade and the retaliation in tariffs between us and China just going back and forth. His question is: “How can we ensure that we’re holding China accountable for their abuses in trade and monetary practices, while at the same time making sure that we’re keeping our Wisconsin businesses here competitive and afloat?” SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. So I go back to what President Trump talked about during his first campaign back in 2015 and throughout 2016. He talked about where we were with respect to what – where a small Kansas business sat vis China. If that small Kansas business wanted to invest in China, it couldn’t own a majority control. The Chinese company equivalent could own one here in the United States. The trade relationship was grossly different; there were huge tariffs. The Chinese Communist Party managed to convince the world that they’re still a developing nation. They get the enormous advantages that come from being a developing nation inside the WTO – these cheaper products, where a Wisconsin company or a Kansas company has no shot at competing with that. And so the President set about trying to identify the tools that we had available to turn the course, to change the nature of the relationship, the trade and economic relationship between the United States and China. So the first effort was to reach out to the Chinese and say we want to negotiate a fair and equitable and reciprocal trade agreement, and so set about it from the beginning. It didn’t make a lot of progress. So he began to use America’s economic power through the tool of tariffs to impose real cost on Chinese businesses. He is mindful that had an impact on American business as well, to the good for some, to the detriment of others. Certainly, Kansas agriculture community was impacted by those tariffs as well. We have to flip the nature of the relationship; it’s imperative. We have to get on equal footing. And if there are costs in the short run, I am convinced that most Americans are prepared to say, “I’ll do that.” That’s the right thing to do. It’s the right thing to do for freedom, democracy. It will ultimately be the right thing to do for their business as well. And so we’ve tried to ameliorate the harms to small and medium businesses here in the near term for what will be a enormously important strategic shift which will benefit every American business from the smallest business in Wisconsin to medium-size businesses in places like Kansas and Iowa, and to the larger businesses that are operating on a global scale, where they’ll have the real opportunity tactically to compete on a fair and level playing field. That’s the mission set. That’s the purpose of the tariffs. The President’s been very clear he’d love to live in a world with no tariffs, no trade barriers — SENATOR ROTH: Right. SECRETARY POMPEO: — wide open, let the finest compete. I am confident that Wisconsinites would crush it given that opportunity. But to get there, there have had to be costs imposed, and the President is determined to continue to do that to deliver the right outcomes for Wisconsin businesses and for businesses all across the country. SENATOR ROTH: Thank you. The next question comes straight from me. SECRETARY POMPEO: All right. SENATOR ROTH: And it deals with your Commission on Unalienable Rights, which I have been following with some interest, and I just want to give you an opportunity to just let everyone know how you came about forming this commission and what the results of the commission were, and what you’re hoping to do with that as it relates to foreign policy. SECRETARY POMPEO: I appreciate that. When people talk about human rights, it’s easy for us to just kind of shut down. It seems ephemeral; it seems very international and airy. The truth is that the bedrock of what our founders delivered for each of us was this set of fundamental rights that we all hold: the right to practice our faith in the way that we wanted to, the right to protect our own property and to preserve property rights across America, the right to speak our minds freely if we disagree. We take those for granted sometimes inside of the United States. And I watched our State Department operate across the globe trying to help other citizens have that for themselves as well, and it became – it was confusing. Which rights, how many rights, how hard are we going to fight? And so I asked a group of people led by a woman named Mary Ann Glendon to go back and re-ground American foreign policy in the traditions of our founders, the things that have made this nation so unique and so special, so that the State Department would have a set of principles upon which to reflect as we moved around in the world and said what are the things that are essential. Because every human being is made in the image of God that the Lord gave us, no government should be able to or can either grant us or take away. And so they wrote a report now a couple of months back. I’d urge you to go take a look at it – take you 25 minutes or 30 minutes to flip through it – and it will remind you of what is so special about Wisconsin and about America and why it is that we have been so successful, and why we continue to be the place that people from all across the world not only want to come and travel to, to engage in, to visit, but they want to emulate. The – our founders had the right end of this with these set of rights that are so fundamental that we have the obligation to preserve and protect them. And I wanted to make sure that my team, my State Department team was re-grounded in that history and it didn’t become lost in this plethora of rights language that is often fomented around the world, which benefits countries like Iran and Venezuela and China. They talk about human rights in China and yet we watch what’s really taking place there. I wanted to make sure we had the language, the rhetoric, and that core understanding readily available for my whole team. SENATOR ROTH: Yeah, thank you for that. This next question comes from Senator Pat Testin and it’s still on the human rights theme. He’s the guy in the blue mask way in the back-center there. There’s rumors the U.S. Government is contemplating issuing an atrocity determination for the Uyghur Muslims in China. Can you talk a little about what that might be, what that might mean, and the effect that it might have, and then why this is a focus for you and the administration? SECRETARY POMPEO: So the administration has made religious freedom a real priority all around the world. The President spoke about this – it would have been a year ago almost exactly, at the United Nations – this idea that a human being must have the capacity and the right to exercise their conscience. Some people will choose no faith. Christians, Muslims, Jews, everybody – but everybody has to have this freedom. What’s happening in this western part of China that you referred to is the antithesis of that, a group of people because of who they are, their beliefs, their race, are being treated in the most horrendous way – forced sterilizations, forced abortions, a surveillance system 24/7. We – the public number we use is about a million people trapped in this terrible condition, and the United States has a responsibility to call this out. We’re considering the language we’ll use and how we’ll describe it. When the United States speaks about crimes against humanity or genocide, we’re very – we try to be very precise and very careful because it carries enormous weight. But make no mistake, what’s happening in those places the world is awakening to, and all we ask is that the Chinese Government cease that kind of activity and treat these people with the respect which they have earned by nature of their humanity. It’s really that simple. SENATOR ROTH: I remember as a small child watching on the television screen as in – the Berlin Wall came down and freedom came to those — SECRETARY POMPEO: You’re a very young man. SENATOR ROTH: I am a – yeah, right. (Laughter.) Yeah. And now we’re seeing in Hong Kong – I introduced earlier the head of the student association here for Hong Kong Marco Lam – we’re seeing in Hong Kong actually almost the opposite of that, where you have this city that’s going the other direction because of China and their security law. I know the United Kingdom – they’re working to provide visas for them, or at least for some of them, potentially 3 million of them. Are there things that the United States is able to do and things that you guys are contemplating to support the democracy-loving people in Hong Kong? SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah. We’ve actually done quite a bit. It’s really unfortunate. In the end, this is an example – what’s taking place in Hong Kong today is another example of broken promises from the Chinese Communist Party. So they promised in 2015 that they wouldn’t arm the South China Sea, and in fact have now violated that core promise they made. In Hong Kong they made a promise for 50 years – really to the British Government, but it was a UN-certified agreement – they made a promise that for 50 years they would treat Hong Kong fundamentally differently, one – the idea was one country but there would be a separate system, two systems. And they busted that promise. I think that’s very telling when nations don’t live up to the commitments that they chose to make. And so we’ve done what we can to support the free people of Hong Kong. It’s their fight. The United Kingdom has done good work in saying for those of you who were in Hong Kong on the understanding that you would still have another decade and a half of freedom – they have a very special relationship, a set of visa rules that are different from ours. I think they’re going to take on-board some of those people. But we have begun, as the President said in the executive order, to say that if the Chinese Government is going to treat Hong Kong as just another communist city, then we will too. So all of the special arrangements that existed between the United States and Hong Kong, agreements that were different from what we had with mainland China, the President said end them. If they’re going to treat this as the same thing, if they’re going to treat the people of Hong Kong just like they do the people in other parts of the country, then the United States should do that as well. And we’ve – we’re – we’ve made great progress along that way, all the while supporting the democratic rights of those people in the same way that we are hopeful that the people all across China will have the very human rights and freedoms that they so richly deserve. SENATOR ROTH: Well, Mr. Secretary, our time here is drawing to a close. But just in the brief conversation that we’ve had, I think it’s pretty obvious to everybody that there are some serious challenges out there in the world today, and we appreciate your leadership on those. Is there some closing thoughts or comments that you might have for our legislators here, policymakers, and business leaders here in Wisconsin? SECRETARY POMPEO: I consider myself a manufacture guy. It’s where I began before I lost my mind and ran for Congress. I now have the privilege to serve as America’s Secretary of State. And you should know that I think about my family’s life back in Kansas, my – there’s a family farm at a little place called Winfield that I think one of my cousins owns now. It’s easy to think these are disconnected, but America’s place in the world, our capacity, our economic might is central to my ability to deliver good outcomes around the world. And so I want to say thank you to everyone who gets up every morning, goes to work, does their best to create value for their company; for every kid who goes to school and studies just as hard as they can. I hope you’d all study math and science and engineering. We need more of that technical capability here in the United States. Know that President Trump and I, when we travel the world and are engaged in these important, complex issues around the world, have deeply focused on the idea that if we get it right here in America, if we – the President uses the language of “America First” – if we get it right here, we will absolutely benefit you all. We’ll benefit the people of Wisconsin, and we’ll benefit people all across the United States of America, but we’ll also be a force for good around the world. A successful, prosperous, free America is a absolute pillar for the same kind of opportunities for people all across the world. And so we’re very focused on making sure we always remember the places from where we came, and when we get that right, when we deliver good outcomes here for the United States, then my work as the Secretary of State will be much more fruitful. So thank you for having me here today. It’s been a joy, a lot of fun, a real blessing to be here with you. Thanks for what you all do every day to make sure that Wisconsin’s doing well. Bless you all. SENATOR ROTH: Thank you. On behalf of Speaker Vos and our entire legislature, thank you for coming to our state capital today. Appreciate it. SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you all. Good luck. (Applause.)

[摘译] 湄公河-美国伙伴关系的启动：扩大美国与湄公河地区的接触 2020年9月14日 东部夏令时间下午2:53 发言人办公室 9月11日美国、柬埔寨、老挝人民民主共和国、缅甸、泰国和越南通过启动湄公河-美国伙伴关系重申了它们的长期关系。在美国国会的共同努力下，美国宣布计划增加对湄公河伙伴国的自治、经济独立、善治和可持续增长的支持，并指出，坚持这些价值观对于东盟的团结与有效性也很重要。 扩大美国的接触 在2009年至2020年的湄公河下游倡议期间，美国国务院和美国国际发展署（USAID）向湄公河五个伙伴国家提供了近35亿美元的援助，其中包括： 在湄公河下游倡议获得成功的基础上，五个湄公河伙伴国家和美国启动了湄公河-美国伙伴关系作为合作的战略论坛。这一伙伴关系将继续开展现有工作，并扩大我们的合作领域，包括经济连通性、能源安全、人力资本发展、跨境水域和自然资源管理以及非传统安全。非传统安全领域包括就新出现的威胁开展合作，如卫生安全能力建设和疫情大流行应对，打击跨国犯罪，网络安全以及打击贩运人口、非法毒品和野生生物等。 湄公河-美国伙伴关系的指导价值观与“东盟印度-太平洋展望”和“美国印度-太平洋愿景”的精神相一致，包括平等、善治、开放、透明、经济增长和尊重主权。这一伙伴关系还促进与伊洛瓦底江-湄南河-湄公河经济合作战略（ACMECS）、东盟、湄公河委员会以及其他符合这些价值观的湄公河发展伙伴和合作机制的互补性。 美国正在升级我们的伙伴关系 美国正在进行的接触 我们将继续支持增强湄公河区域各国政府机构和公民社会的韧性、透明度和能力，切实改善人民的生活。 基础设施和能源投资 水安全与跨境河流管理 人力资本投资 有关更多信息和资源，请访问我们的新网站：www.mekonguspartnership.org  阅读原文： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/launch-of-the-mekong-u-s-partnership-expanding-u-s-engagement-with-the-mekong-region/

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON SEPTEMBER 14, 2020 Launch of the Mekong-U.S. Partnership: Expanding U.S. Engagement with the Mekong Region The United States, Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam reaffirmed their long-standing relationship by launching the Mekong-U.S. Partnership on September 11. The United States announced plans, working with the U.S. Congress, to increase support for the autonomy, economic independence, good governance, and sustainable growth of Mekong partner countries, noting that upholding these values is important also for the unity and effectiveness of ASEAN. Expanding U.S. Engagement Over the course of the Lower Mekong Initiative, from 2009 to 2020, the U.S. Department of State and Agency for International Development (USAID) provided nearly $3.5 billion in assistance to the five Mekong partner countries, including: Building on the successes of the Lower Mekong Initiative, the five Mekong partner countries and the United States launched the Mekong-U.S. Partnership as a strategic forum for cooperation. The Partnership will continue existing work and expand our areas of cooperation, including economic connectivity, energy security, human capital development, transboundary water and natural resources management, and non-traditional security.  The non-traditional security sector comprises collaboration on emerging threats such as health security capacity building and pandemic response, countering transnational crime, cyber security, and countering trafficking in persons, illicit drugs, and wildlife. The Mekong-U.S. Partnership is guided by values that are aligned with those enshrined in the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and the U.S. Indo-Pacific vision, including equality, good governance, openness, transparency, economic growth, and respect for sovereignty. The Partnership also promotes complementarity with the Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS), ASEAN, the Mekong River Commission, and with other Mekong development partners and cooperation mechanisms in line with these values. The United States is Upgrading our Partnership Ongoing U.S. Engagement We will continue supporting the resilience, transparency, and capacity of government institutions and civil society in countries in the Mekong region, making tangible improvements in the lives of people. Infrastructure and Energy Investments Water Security and Transboundary River Management Human Capital Investments For further information and resources, please visit our new website: www.mekonguspartnership.org

与美国政府高级官员就中国驻得克萨斯州休斯敦领事馆关闭的情况介绍 美国东部时间2020年7月24日下午06:41 发言人办公室 通过电话会议 阅读原文：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/briefing-on-the-closure-of-the-chinese-consulate-in-houston-texas/

Office of the Spokesperson Via Teleconference MODERATOR: Hey, good morning, everyone. Thanks, it’s [Moderator] here. Thank you for joining us for this background briefing by senior U.S. Government officials on the closure of the Chinese consulate general in Houston, Texas. Yesterday, in a landmark speech at the Nixon Library, Secretary Pompeo talked about the need to demand fairness and reciprocity in our relationship with China, and the imperative to focus on Beijing’s actions vice words as a gauge of its intent. Indeed, it’s its action – the actions of the PRC government that led us to take the decision to close the Houston consulate that we intend to highlight today. For your awareness but not for reporting, our briefers this morning are [Senior State Department Official], [Senior Justice Department Official], and [Senior United States Intelligence Official]. As a reminder, the content of this briefing is embargoed until the end of the call. Our briefers – we’ll have two briefers who will begin with short introductory remarks, and then we’ll have time for your questions. To begin with a framing of the behaviors we were observing that led us to the decision to close this consulate, we’ll start with our senior Justice Department official. [Senior Justice Department Official], please, go ahead. SENIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Thank you, and good morning to all of you. Thank you for joining us this morning. By their very nature, consulates are a base of operations for foreign governments in the United States, including their intelligence services. And it’s understood that there will be some activity here by those services. But because of their location within the United States and their status as sovereign[1] territory of a foreign country, they can be exploited. And the espionage and influence activities run out of a consulate can rise ultimately to a level that threatens our national security. Let me give you a few examples of that in the context of the consulate closure in Houston. Yesterday we issued – we being the Department of Justice – a press release highlighting a network of PLA associates who concealed their military affiliation when applying for student visas here. One of those individuals was a fugitive from justice until last night, having received sanctuary in the San Francisco consulate. That press release and the individuals charged there are a microcosm, we believe, of a broader network of individuals in more than 25 cities. That network is supported through the consulates here. Consulates have been giving individuals in that network guidance on how to evade and obstruct our investigation, and you can infer from that the ability to task that network of associates nationwide. The Houston consulate was also implicated in an investigation of grant fraud at a Texas research institution. Consulate officials directly involved – were directly involved in communications with researchers and guided them on what information to collect. The consulates in Houston – including Houston promoted talent plan memberships. Memberships in talent plans can create the incentives to steal intellectual property and otherwise create conflicts of interest. Last year we convicted a Houston businessman, Shan Shi, of trade secret theft. He was a Houston area businessman who had established a front company and subsidiary of a Chinese firm and poached local talent and IP from a Houston business for the purpose of developing a dual-use technology that China has wanted to become self-sufficient in. Consulates are also bases of operations for Fox Hunt teams. These are teams of agents sent from China here to coerce economic fugitives – meaning political rivals of President Xi, the Communist Party critics, and refugees – coercing them, that is, to return to the PRC. Consulates enabled the activities of those teams. Consulates also enabled direct lobbying of state and local officials, as well as business people, to favor Chinese interests. And while that’s to be expected by diplomats, when it takes a turn towards the coercive or the covert, that becomes a national security problem. And finally, we’ve seen consulates publicly criticize pro-Hong Kong democracy activists on campus and support nationalist counter-demonstrators, sometimes leading to violence, in the case of Australia. And I suspect the consulates here have networks of watchers on campus that report on fellow students and undermine the free expression that every student on an American campus should enjoy. The sum total of the Houston consulate’s activities went well over the line of what we are willing to accept, and unless we disrupted it, it threatened to become even more aggressive in Houston and at other Chinese consulates nationwide. Our focus is on disrupting this activity out of Houston as well as deterring similar activity by Chinese officials at other consulates. Closing the Houston consulate and preventing relocation of those officials accomplishes both of those goals. The activity we are concerned with, while illegal, is not necessarily amenable to criminal charges, among other reasons, because of the diplomatic immunity that consulate officials enjoy. So you’re not necessarily going to see many prosecutions tied specifically to the Houston consulate as a means of disrupting that activity. That tool just isn’t as available to us in this context as it would be elsewhere. And the public examples and what I’m discussing here today are merely the tip of the iceberg at Houston. We shared this information and obviously much more detail with the State Department, which ultimately has to decide when enough is enough and what response is justified. But we applaud State Department’s leadership in this necessary and justified response. I’ll stop there. MODERATOR: Thank you. We appreciate that. And just as a reminder, his remarks will be attributed to a senior Justice Department official. Our next briefer will be referred to as a senior State Department official. [Senior State Department Official], please, go ahead. SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Thank you for that and thank you for the (inaudible) that are there. Let me just frame the relationship in the broadest possible terms and then work down into details. So, with the National Security Strategy, this administration finally acknowledged after 40-plus years that this relationship is characterized by strategic competition. That’s not to fault anybody that went before. The – we tried – this has worked in many cases with other countries, the fact that engagement has led to positive outcomes. But the Trump administration acknowledged early on in the National Security Strategy that this is a strategic competition, and now the relationship is going to have to reflect that one acknowledgement and to the reality as described. And so the decision to close the consulate in Houston reflects our longstanding concerns, but also patient U.S. diplomacy. Look, we’re positive, optimistic people, but there comes a time when you just have to say enough is enough. For years, we’ve been asking the PRC to stop these malign and criminal activities. We’ve been talking to them, explaining. We traveled to meet them in Hawaii in June, as you’ve heard, New York City last August. And still, Beijing continues to act egregiously and criminally. Beijing’s actions warranted a strong response as well as countermeasures, as you heard from Justice, to defend American security and American interests, and that’s what we did in Houston. In terms of reciprocal treatment, again, in a higher-level relationship, you don’t have to work down to the foundations of reciprocity, but if you’re not getting mutual respect and mutual benefit, which is language you hear from Beijing – if their actions don’t match those words, then you have to get down to the basics. And so for years, the President has emphasized the need to establish reciprocity in this relationship on trade, in diplomatic engagement, on just about everything. So Beijing has enjoyed free and open access to U.S. society, but at the same time, they’ve denied that same access to U.S. diplomats in China and foreigners just in general. Beijing has also egregiously abused its free and open access to the U.S. as demonstrated by the actions in Houston as described by Justice, but in other PRC diplomatic missions across U.S. universities, businesses, other institutions. And so we’ve been very clear this – going into this, this lack of reciprocity is unacceptable. We’ve encouraged them to change their behavior and to at least acknowledge our concerns without success. And so Houston is a firm demonstration that we are serious. It’s not just the U.S. This is going on pretty much everywhere, so these malign and criminal activities are a worldwide problem. This is how the PRC diplomats and agents – that’s how they operate, both overtly and undercover. We note that the Houston consulate general was previously posted in Australia. The trouble that PRC agents have been causing here in the U.S. isn’t just limited to the U.S. It truly is global. Australia, by the way, has done some really good things to combat this covert, coercive, and/or corrupting interference. The Australian Government has taken a range of measures and Australian civil society and journalists have helped educate the world on the problem. I commend Clive Hamilton’s book Silent Invasion to you if you want to look at the background that goes to that. And so with each indictment that’s exposed, we learn just how much China has relied on illegal, covert, coercive, corrupt behavior to try to impose its will on the world as well as to gain unfair advantage in normal relationships, whether they’re economic, diplomatic, or others. This is part of the problem that Secretary Pompeo highlighted in his speech yesterday. And so I’ll conclude by noting that this is part of a deliberate effort by the U.S. Government to put this relationship on solid footing – footing that’s balanced, footing that respects the interests of both countries, of both sides, and acknowledges that the Chinese Communist Party has been getting away with this for too long. Time is now to act, and that’s what we have done. Let me conclude with one last point: I note the Chinese Communist Party – this is about their government system; this is not about the people in the country. There are hundreds of thousands of Chinese students. There is far more Chinese people of – who are native – are Americans or who are visitors of all sorts that are just like you and me – they’re doing the right thing and they’re trying to get by. This is not about them, so we need to be very careful how we address this. That concludes my comments. MODERATOR: Right. Now we have time for your questions. During the question and answer period, if we go to our third briefer, he will be referred to as a senior U.S. Intelligence official. Moderator, if you could give the instructions for getting into the question queue. OPERATOR: Certainly. Ladies and gentlemen, if you wish to ask a question, please press 1 then 0 on your telephone keypad. You may withdraw your question at any time by repeating the 1, 0 command. If you are using a speaker phone, please pick up your handset before pressing the numbers. Once again, please press 1 then 0 at this time. MODERATOR: Okay. For our first question, can we go to the line of Carol Morello? QUESTION: I’d like to ask you what you might do if the Chinese don’t close the embassy or the consulate on Friday, which they haven’t yet committed to. And do you expect them to send the diplomats back to Beijing or to some other consulate? And just broader, you seem to be using the same strategy here that you’ve used with Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, and to some degree with Russia on Ukraine to make demands and keep turning the screws tighter, but nothing ever seems to change. Why do you think this same strategy might work this time? Thank you very much. SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Thank you for (inaudible) question, and I’ll just point to my earlier statement about putting this relationship in a context that addresses the interests of both parties. I’m not going to speculate about how this rolls out in Houston, but I will note that – and your points about distributing and all that stuff, those are details that will be worked and addressed should they come up. But it is about taking a strong stand. And we can deal with the second and third-order effects as we go, but the point is, as our Justice briefer said, that this had just become too big to ignore, and so we are taking positive steps. Over. MODERATOR: Great. If you have a particular – when you ask questions, if you have a particular briefer you’d like to hear from, please identify them when you ask your question. For our second question, let’s go to – let’s go to Yuichi from Washington Free Beacon. QUESTION: So obviously, there’s a lot of – there’s several consulates in the United States, Chinese consulates in the United States. MODERATOR: (Inaudible) cut off at the beginning. QUESTION: Sorry, what did you say? MODERATOR: Can you start over, please? QUESTION: Oh, yeah, of course, yeah. So obviously, there’s several Chinese consulates in the United States. Was there something in particular about the activities at the Houston consulate that was particularly concerning? I assume all the consulates to an extent are doing some stuff – some shady stuff. Would it have anything to do with the fact that there was extensive recruiting of Texas A&M and the University of Texas researchers for the Thousand Talents Program? Was there just anything in particular that really stood out about the Houston consulate? SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Okay, I’ll – from State I’ll just lead off on that one. How we picked it – I think Justice laid out a pretty good case. But from where I sit, and if you look at what happened with the corona outbreak in China in 2019, they have been very clear about their intent to be the first to the – to market with a vaccine and the medical connections here aren’t lost on me. And as the briefer noted, the medical connection in Houston is also pretty specific. Over. SENIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: And from Justice, you – the activities I’ve described are not by any means exclusive to Houston, but Houston was not a random selection either. I think – the way I think about it, and I encourage State Department to correct me if I’m wrong, once you decide that this pattern activity is unacceptable and you’re going to respond, you’re probably going to respond by closing one facility as opposed to every facility, and the point of that is to send a message to the remaining officials that they’ve got to knock it off. And so it is certainly not random that we picked Houston. But the – I don’t think, from the way I look at it, that you could point to one moment that was the straw that broke the camel’s back. It has been an increase in malign activity, intelligence activity over time, and at some point you say enough is enough, and then you decide who is a – like one of the worst offenders, or the best offender if you’re looking at it from the Chinese point of view, and that is the way I think of the decision having been made. Over. SENIOR UNITED STATES INTELLIGENCE OFFICIAL: Hi, this is [Senior United States Intelligence Official]. Just one last bit to add there to what [Senior Justice Department Official] said. I think from our perspective, when this was discussed, our biggest concern is the theft of intellectual property and a lot of our technology. And when we look across the board at the activities of the consulates, [Senior Justice Department Official] is actually absolutely right: We see this kind of behavior across the board. Houston in particular, though, was – their S&T[2] collectors were particularly aggressive and particularly successful, so I think that is the reason why we tended towards Houston as well. MODERATOR: Okay, thank you. For our next question, can we go to the line of Owen Churchill from The South China Morning Post? QUESTION: Yeah, hi. Appreciate this. Thanks a lot. First question for State: So Pompeo said yesterday – he spoke in very explicit terms about the need to kind of engage and empower the Chinese people, but, I mean, with Beijing’s closure of the Chengdu consulate, I’m assuming that the task will become more difficult for U.S. diplomats there to do outreach, to connect directly with Chinese people on the ground. So, I’m just wondering whether you had anticipated that retaliation and whether you have any concerns about its impact on the administration’s ability to engage directly with the Chinese people. And then just a follow-up question on the first briefer’s comments about the fugitive in San Francisco: Could you just clarify? It sounded like you said they’re no longer a fugitive. Does that mean that they’ve been apprehended or that they’ve given themselves up? What’s the latest with that? Thank you. SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: So [Senior State Department Official] to answer your question. You’re exactly right. The intent, the whole point of this is to understand China better, is to engage with the Chinese people better as diplomats, not as foreign – not as media. We can talk about designations of foreign media here in the U.S. if you like. But it’s to actually start up a conversation and build a relationship and mutual understanding. Here’s the problem, though: I mean, you’re seeing it firsthand or the people of Hong Kong are seeing that – is that ability is nowhere near balanced. The things that Justice described where folks are pretty much spreading out and interacting in a good way and a not-so-good way is not reflected in the PRC. My experience as a diplomat in China reflects this entirely – is that I had to ask for permission to have meetings and those were generally denied. And so this is about making things right. I keep using the word “housekeeping.” Forty years of broken glass needs to be swept up and put back in order, and given the National Security Strategy, finally acknowledging that this really is a strategic competition, we’re going to do that. Now, the second or third-order effects, I think we can mitigate those. I think in an honest negotiation with the PRC we can get back to where we need to be, but we’ll see. So over. SENIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: And as to your second question, yes, the defendant’s in custody and I expect she’ll make her initial appearance in court later today. Over. MODERATOR: Great. For our next question, can we go to the line of Luis Martinez from ABC? QUESTION: (Inaudible) Francisco, was that voluntary, or was that something to do with a waiver of — MODERATOR: Can you start again? QUESTION: Sure. With regards to the San Francisco apprehension, was that because of a waiver of diplomatic immunity, or how was that possible? And also, just to go – a question for the senior State Department official about the situation with Chengdu, the PRC now ordering a closure of that consulate, can you provide confirmation of that and additional information about it? SENIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: On your first question, I won’t discuss the circumstances of arrest, but just a terminology issue: as I understand it, “diplomatic immunity” refers to the status a person might have that would make it impossible to prosecute them, and I don’t think this individual had that status because, of course, they were not declared as a diplomatic official. In fact, that’s the issue here, is that their true status wasn’t disclosed on their visa application. That’s the essence of the charge. But as to how they came to be arrested, I’m just going to defer to whatever is said in court later today if that comes up. I also should make clear that the charges in that case lie in Sacramento, the Eastern District of California, even though, of course, the alleged individual was a fugitive in San Francisco, which is the Northern District. So just to be clear that the arrest happened in one district, but the charges and the prosecution will move forward in the Eastern District of California. Over. SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: And to your second question about the announcement last night about Chengdu, these are two totally different things. The arrest that we just described in Houston[3] and the closure of that consulate [4]are about nefarious activity inside the U.S. Their decision to close Chengdu, you’re going to have to ask them about how they picked that, but I will note that activity in Chengdu is – to the previous question, it’s about understanding and messaging the Chinese people and especially the people in that district, which include Tibet. And I will note that in all this time, the ambassador there has had one – been permitted to travel to Tibet one time. It’s not like the U.S., and people need to understand that. The diplomatic presence, access, and all those things in the PRC – from firsthand experiences of many of the people that work for me it’s just not the same and we need to get at reciprocity. It’s important. Reciprocity creates balance and balance is stability, and we need to get back to that. Over. MODERATOR: Great. For our next question, can we go to the line of Aruna from The Wall Street Journal? Aruna, are you there? QUESTION: Yes, sorry. I was on mute. Thanks for doing this. So, two quick questions for the DOJ and [Intelligence] folks. Can you provide more detail about the contacts between the consulate and the researchers in the area and how that went beyond normal consular contact sort of with their nationals in the area? How specific was the direction? What types of communications were they having? And also on – in a similar vein, you mentioned the coercive methods in dealing with state and local officials. Is that referring to pressures on the officials about not getting – not visiting Taiwan and things like that? Or was there something more – can you provide examples of what that kind of contact looked like? SENIOR UNITED STATES INTELLIGENCE OFFICIAL: So this is [Senior United States Intelligence Official]. So I can tell you – Houston, the behavior was again not unlike what we’ve seen throughout the country. We have I think over 50 examples over the last 10 years of the Houston consulate supporting talent plan members and recruitments in the area targeting the various research centers down there. In addition, I’ll give you another example: We had, for the Fox Hunt program where China’s trying to lure back dissidents or, as they call them, “economic fugitives,” we have one instance where the Houston consulate representative delivered a letter to a person in the South, allegedly from his father, imploring the person to come back to the United States – I’m sorry, come back to China. So, these folks are – the folks in Houston were very much active participants in all the various efforts of collection and influence that the Chinese Government and the Chinese Communist Party is doing here in the U.S. Over. MODERATOR: Okay. We’ll move onto our next question, if we could go to the line of Nick Schifrin from PBS NewsHour. QUESTION: [Senior State Department Official], if I could ask you to respond to Chengdu, I know you want to make the point that the two consulates are not similar and the two actions are not similar, but could you just take on the idea out there that this is a reciprocal response by China as an effort not to escalate further? And if I could ask the senior Intelligence official: We’ve seen more indictments, more spotlight on Chinese actions over the last couple years. Can you talk about whether that is an indication of more Chinese activity or greater U.S. ability and/or willingness to go after that activity? Thanks. SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Hey, Nick, thank you for that. And I don’t mean to be glib or trite, but I would say that – have your counterpart in Beijing ask that to the MFA and help them explain the thought process behind that. You might actually get an answer, but I don’t think so, and this is one of those differences we’ve been talking about in access and all those that we are trying to rectify. Over. MODERATOR: Yeah, and the second part of your question? Can you open the line – Nick’s line again so he can ask the second part of his question again? OPERATOR: Nick, please press 1 then 0. Your line is open, Nick. (No response.) MODERATOR: Okay. Sorry about that. We’ll have to move on. Let’s go to the line of David Brunnstrom from Reuters. We may have time for one more question after that. QUESTION: Can you hear me okay? MODERATOR: Yeah. Go ahead, David. QUESTION: Yeah, I just wanted – we had a report yesterday about returning of a U.S. diplomat to China. I understand that a flight left bound for Shanghai the night before last. Is that process going to be affected at all? Will that go ahead? Has that flight arrived? Do you have assurances from the Chinese that that process will go ahead? And just on a couple of practical details, what time is the Chinese consulate supposed to close by? And is it reasonable that the Chinese have given the Chengdu consulate only until Monday, including the weekend, in that 72 hours? Thank you. SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Thanks for that. As far as our – returning our folks to China, that continues. We still have a job to do out there. This is not – this is not related. We – for fear of the initial transparency issues we saw where it was really unclear exactly what was happening, we did the prudent thing and moved folks out of Wuhan and the rest of Mission China. So, we will continue moving them back. The Chinese side has been cooperative in that; they understand the need to get back to balance. And as far as the rest, I’m not going to comment on details on the relationship. Over. MODERATOR: Okay. For our last question can we go to Laura Kelly from The Hill? Laura, go ahead. QUESTION: Thanks. I’ll just – I’ll re-ask Nick’s question because I wanted to hear the answer to that for the – for the Justice Department and maybe [Intelligence] as well. Is the – the recent indictments coming out, are they – Nick said, is there an indication of more Chinese activity or is it a greater U.S. ability and willingness to go after perpetrators? SENIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: So, this is [Senior Justice Department Official]. I’ll start and then I’ll turn it over to the Intelligence official. From my perspective, we’ve been charging a lot of this activity, including economic espionage and traditional espionage, for years. So same process, same threshold, same willingness to bring those charges. Other areas, such as the talent plans, have more recently been a focus of enforcement effort. And so, there’s – the answer to your question is, I think all, of the above. Part of it is… we are seeing more because victims, particularly in the private sector, are more willing to call us and work with us. I think maybe they’re more alert to threats, and so they are getting to us before their employees, for example, take the IP and get to the airport. So we are able to bring that case now whereas before, if they had waited or not spotted red flags, we might not have been able to bring it before. In the academic context, we have increased our outreach and our threat briefings to academics and security officers at universities, and that has led us – along with work by the federal funding agencies, the IGs there who are exploring talent plan memberships that weren’t disclosed – that has led to more cases. As to whether Chinese activity has changed, increased, decreased, or the like, that’s a question I would defer to my Intelligence Community colleague to answer. Over. SENIOR UNITED STATES INTELLIGENCE OFFICIAL: Yeah, thanks, [Senior Justice Department Official]. So this is [Senior United States Intelligence Official]. So I think [Senior Justice Department Official] hit the nail on the head there. So, we have seen – we’ve got about a 1,300 percent increase in cases related to economic espionage and China over the last 10 years, and I attribute a lot of that to enhanced communication and understanding of the threat. China has always been doing this, but I would say that their efforts in talent plan recruitment are something that we are probably just fully understanding the depth and breadth of in the last, I’d say, three years or so. We’ve focused a lot of our effort on – so I’d say – the phrase we use is we’re not going to arrest our way out of this. The problem posed by China is too large, so we’ve changed our tack to focus on a communication understanding. We’re trying to communicate as much as we can about the problem. That gives people the understanding to know when to interact with us, when we get the FBI involved and when they can handle it themselves, and as [Senior Justice Department Official] said, we have a lot of people coming to us now talking about the issues that they’re seeing either in academia, some institution, or whether it be a politician that – with some foreign influence. So, it’s probably not so much that China is markedly increasing their efforts. We’ve always been a focus of their collection and their intelligence efforts. I think it’s a – what we’re seeing is the rise, the reflection of us getting the news out that, hey, this is a problem, it needs to be addressed, and it’s a recognition by everybody, I think now, that they could play a part in fixing this problem. Over. SENIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: This is [Senior Justice Department Official] again. Let me just give you what quantitative data I can. Of all the cases we bring and have brought over time alleging the theft of trade secrets, about 60 percent of those cases have some connection to China, whether it’s a Chinese company that’s the intended beneficiary or the like. Of that – of that group of cases, the cases where we have the unclassified proof that allows us to allege that the crime was intended to benefit a government, that’s about 80 percent of economic espionage cases. So, we have over time seen consistently that China, meaning the People’s Republic of China Government, as well as the companies doing business there, represent a disproportionate share of our trade secret theft and economic espionage prosecutions. Over. SENIOR UNITED STATES INTELLIGENCE OFFICIAL: And this is – this is [Senior United States Intelligence Official] one more time. Since [Senior Justice Department Official] threw out some stats, I don’t want to – I don’t want to leave you without any stats from the bureau’s standpoint. And I think the director said this in his speech last – or two weeks ago, but I’ll reiterate it. So, we have about 2,000 active counterintelligence investigations tied to the – to China, and we open a new case about every 10 hours, just to give you a perspective on how much work we have here. MODERATOR: All right, thank you to our briefers today. As a reminder to everyone on the call, this – the contents of the briefing were provided on background to a senior State Department official, a senior DOJ official, and a senior U.S. Intelligence official. And as this is the end of the call, the embargo on the contents is lifted. Thank you all for joining today.   [1] The State Department notes that while foreign missions enjoy certain protections under international law, including inviolability, they are still within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States. Embassy and consulate properties are not considered foreign soil. [2] science and technology [3] San Francisco [4] the Houston consulate

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2020年9月14日 迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）国务卿声明 国际民主日 在9月15日国际民主日（International Day of Democracy）到来之际，我们重申，所有公民拥有参与民主自治程序的权利。民主国家对自身公民负责，尊重法治，保护生命财产，尊重所有人的自由、尊严与平等。 民主继续是全球各地人心所向，因为我们每个人都渴望自由。我们从小就本能地展示要求自己管理自己、自己作未来人生抉择的能力。作为公民，我们懂得，对于我们的领导人的决策是否英明——我们把保护我们的生命、财产和自由的权利托付给了他们，我们必须能自由地与他人进行辩论。作为人，我们懂得，我们不能独行。民主国家是包容性的群体，由为实现大家自由选择的目标而自由合作的个人所组成，自由使所有人的才能和创造力得到发挥，民主国家因此欣欣向荣。 今天，世界受到当代最严重的公共健康危机的冲击。民主国家、专制国家和独裁政权都同样面对冠状病毒疫情的挑战，但是，只有民主国家能够自由地就如何应对进行公开辩论。各类专制者则名副其实按其本色行事。他们的首要重点不是公共健康，而是保护自身的权力。他们拒绝回答棘手的问题。他们散布假信息，用弱势群体作替罪羊，扩大对民众的监视，并中断法治。当领导人只对他们自己或他们所控制的政党负责时，人民遭殃。 与之相反，民主国家在逆境中振奋起来。由于有言论自由和法律面前人人平等，民主社会的公民能够共同迎战公共健康问题。在民主国家中，个人要求享有获得信息的渠道，以便保护自己和他人。信仰法律面前人人平等的社会通过采取积极步骤，促进全体人民的充分参与和使所有人得到保护而实践这一信仰。 民主政体远非完美，但它无疑胜过其他选择。民主社会尊重人权，并且更加和平、繁荣和安全。我们与各地寻求自由、安全和在民主政体下过有尊严的生活的人民站在一起。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE SEPTEMBER 14, 2020 In recognition of the International Day of Democracy on September 15, we reaffirm the right of every citizen to take part in the processes of democratic self-governance.  Democracies are accountable to their citizens.  They respect the Rule of Law, protect lives and property, and respect the freedoms, dignity, and equality of every person. Democracy remains the aspiration of people all over the world because each of us yearns to be free.  From the time we are children, we instinctively assert our ability to self-govern, to make decisions that shape our lives.  As citizens, we understand that we must be free to engage others in debates over the wisdom of the decisions of leaders to whom we entrust the power to protect our lives, our property, and our freedoms.  And, as human beings, we know we cannot go it alone.  Democracies are inclusive communities of individuals who are free to work together to accomplish goals they have freely chosen, and they flourish because freedom unlocks the talents and creativity of all. Today, the world reels from one of the greatest public health crises in modern times.  Democracies, authoritarian governments, and dictatorships are equally challenged by the coronavirus pandemic, but only democracies are free to debate openly how to respond.  Authoritarians of every stripe, meanwhile, remain true to form.  Their first priority is not public health, but the protection of their own power.  They refuse to answer hard questions.  They sow disinformation, scapegoat vulnerable groups, expand mass surveillance, and suspend the rule of law.  People suffer when their leaders are accountable only to themselves or to the parties they control. Democracies, by contrast, thrive in times of adversity.  Because of freedom of expression and the equality of all persons before the law, citizens of democratic societies are able to confront public health problems together.  Individuals in democratic nations demand access to information so that they can protect themselves and others.  And societies that embrace equality before the law live out that belief by taking active steps to promote the full participation and protection of all people. Democratic governance is far from perfect, but it certainly beats the alternatives.   Democratic societies respect human rights and are more peaceful, prosperous, and secure.  We stand with people everywhere who seek to live freely, safely, and with dignity under democratic governments.

发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年3月25日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Secretary Michael R. Pompeo）出席新闻简报会时的讲话 新闻简报室（Press Briefing Room） 国务卿蓬佩奥：诸位早上好。我想在介绍今天部长级会议的情况前先谈谈伊斯兰国呼罗珊分支（ISIS-K）声称在阿富汗发动袭击一事。ISIS-K声称今晨对喀布尔（Kabul）某锡克教（Sikh）寺庙和社区中心发动了袭击。20多名无辜民众在这次事件中丧生。美国对此骇人听闻的暴行表示谴责。阿富汗人民理应得到未来的自由，不再受ISIS-K等恐怖主义活动的威胁。尽管该国面临各种政治挑战，阿富汗持续的和平进程仍然是一个重要的机会，有助于阿富汗人团结一致，共同为达成政治解决方案进行谈判并建设抗击ISIS-K暴行的统一战线。我们鼓励全体阿富汗人接受这个机会。 现在谈谈今天的会议。 今天，七国集团虚拟部长级会议（Virtual G7 Ministerial）并不是我们在会议筹备之初考虑采取的形式。但我很高兴我们有机会举行这次会议，即使是采取电话会议的形式。 我感谢在匹兹堡（Pittsburgh）的有关人员为筹备现场会议提供的支持和帮助。遗憾的是我们不得不取消这种形式。当然，今天会议最紧迫的议题是武汉病毒——我们都承诺采取透明的方式抗击病毒，全世界各地都需要这样做。 我向我们的七国伙伴明确表示，特别是我们的意大利朋友和欧洲其他地区的朋友，美国仍坚持尽一切可能帮助他们。上星期日，美国空军（United States Air Force）派C-130运输机为意大利运送了医疗物品。美国军队还最后敲定相关计划，将从当地余下的医疗设备中匀出一些给我们的意大利朋友。 此外，我国民营工商业、科技行业、非政府组织和宗教团体正纷纷响应提供帮助的号召。美国民间慈善组织撒馬利亞救援會（Samaritan’s Purse）在意大利北部疫情最严重的克雷莫納（Cremona）建立了有68张床位的临时医院，最充分地体现了美国人民声名远播的乐于助人的精神。 我们花了大量的时间讨论我们如何共同抗击这种病毒，但我们仍然高度注意世界各地的其他种种挑战。这些挑战可分为以下几个类别。 首先，我们花了大量的时间讨论各专制主义国家构成的威胁。中国共产党对我们的健康和生活方式构成了一个重大威胁。武汉病毒的爆发明显地表明了这一点。中国共产党构成的威胁还有损于我们七国集团国家共同繁荣和安全赖以生存的自由和开放的秩序。 我要求各国每一个人休戚与共，共同保护联合国和其他组织，防备其恶劣影响和专制主义。我们七国集团国家必须倡导我们关于自由、主权、良好治理、透明和问责的共同价值观，同时也促使联合国坚持这些原则。 这次会议还谈到很多涉及俄罗斯的问题，要求俄罗斯对入侵乌克兰承担责任。东乌克兰的实际进展必须从俄罗斯信守明斯克协议（Minsk agreements）的承诺为开端。我还重申一个简单的事实：克里米亚（Crimea）属于乌克兰。美国永远不会承认俄罗斯试图进行的并吞。 我们还花时间讨论了其他一些非法扩散行为构成的威胁。 在伊朗问题上，我感谢各国通过对马汉航空公司（Mahan Air）发布禁飞令等行动，要求该政权为其恶劣行为负责，并认定所有的真主党（Hizballah）和其他伊朗支持的恐怖主义团伙为恐怖主义组织。 我们采取施加压力的行动，目的仍然在于敦促伊朗采取正常国家的行为。我要求我们七国集团的伙伴进一步加入美国的行列，特别应该与美国采取共同立场，保证伊朗永远不再获得核武器。 同样，七国集团和所有的国家都必须坚持以共同的立场敦促北韩恢复谈判，同时坚决对其非法的核项目和弹道导弹项目施加外交和经济压力。 我们深入讨论了我们面临的另外一个任务是解决长期存在的各种冲突。 在阿富汗问题上，我们讨论了有关和平进程的事宜。我向他们介绍了我最近进行访问的新情况，并谈到我们如何才能使阿富汗内部的谈判真正获得成功。 我们还花时间讨论了叙利亚问题。俄罗斯 、伊朗政权、真主党和阿萨德（Assad）政权正在那里通过人道主义灾难对欧洲造成威胁，同时阻挠按照联合国安理会2254号决议（UN Security Council Resolution 2254）达成政治解决方案。 我们谈到了利比亚。那里的领导人必须采取克制态度，缓和局势并拒绝有害的外来干涉，通过认真参与联合国居间调停的讨论决定利比亚的未来。 在缅甸问题上，会议一致——共同支持缅甸的民主转型、经济改革和为抗击恶劣影响付出努力。 缅甸必须解决若开邦（Rakhine State）的危机，保证做到为屠杀事件的受害者伸张正义，追究肇事人员的责任，其中包括高级军事领导人。 最后，我们都同意坚持狠狠地打击恐怖主义。伊斯兰国发动的恐怖主义袭击，例如我今天刚开始时谈到的事件，以及“基地”组织（al-Qaida）的有关活动在沙黑尔（Sahel）地区日益嚣张。该地区需要获得更好的治理，同时我们的伙伴需要分担责任，不仅在该地区，而且在全世界争取恢复和平与稳定。阿尔及尔进程的马里和平与和解协议（Algiers Accord for Peace and Reconciliation in Mali）签署方必须全面执行协议。 即使我们无法现场出席会议，但我们的会议取得了成功。特朗普政府（Trump administration）一如既往忠实于我们的盟国和伙伴，愿与他们一起通过这类具有建设性的多边形式共同努力。 至此我乐意回答几个提问。 布朗（BROWN）先生：肖恩（Shaun） 问：谢谢国务卿先生。接着你今天关于七国集团的评论——我想提到明天沙特主持的20国集团（G20）虚拟会谈。你关于中国的信息是什么？现在是与他们合作的时候呢，也许在病毒问题上，还是要与他们针锋相对？你提到美国承诺协助七国集团伙伴。那么中国呢？他们在向世界各地提供口罩等很多援助。你认为这是一个积极迹象吗？你认为这是我们应该警惕的事吗？美国本身或许愿意接受援助吗？彼得·纳瓦罗（Peter Navarro）说我们或许会。 或许我可以就此再提一点。德国《明镜周刊》（Der Spiegel）说，在七国集团会议上，你想让他们使用“武汉病毒”这个词，并也许在伙伴国当中引起一些分歧。是这种情况吗？你认为这个名称如此重要，以至需要被纳入国际文件吗？谢谢。 国务卿蓬佩奥：让我先来回答第一个问题。我们在整个这场危机——这个从中国武汉开始的危机——中希望与中国共产党合作。我们做了努力——你们会记得——从一开始的那些日子，要将我们的科学家、我们的专家派到实地，以便我们能够帮助针对在中国那里开始的情况作出国际反应，但是我们无法做到。中国共产党不允许那样做。 你们也会记得，在这一开始，当这明显是一个问题的时候，中国当时知道，他们是第一个知道这个病毒对世界有风险的国家，他们一再延迟将这个信息告诉全球。 所以，是的，我们极其迫切希望和全世界每个国家一道努力。这是一场全球疫情；美国希望与每个国家，包括中国，一道努力，找到解决办法，保全尽可能多的人的生命，尽可能多的人的健康，然后恢复我们被武汉病毒损害的经济。 所以我们——我们有准备与他们一道努力，我们有准备协助他们。我们也希望中国人民好。这个情况也在中国造成许多人死亡。这不仅仅是界外中国的事。但非常重要的是，我们要确保处理正确。今天七国集团国家对中国一直并且继续在造势有意散布虚假信息有很多讨论。你看到这点。你在社交媒体上看到这点。你在中国共产党内高级人士的话中看到这点，谈论这是不是一个美国——由美国带到中国的。我得说，这是疯话。今天七国集团每个成员都看到它——这个虚假信息的宣传。中国现在在全球进行少量销售，声称他们现在是所发生的事情中的正直善良的角色。现在不是指责的时候；现在是解决这个全球问题的时候。我们今天专注在这点上。这是七国集团成员的全部精力所在。但是今天上午与会的每一个国家都深深意识到中国共产党为了转移对这里真正发生的情况的视线而进行的虚假信息宣传。 谈到那份声明，我一向认为这些会议的正确答案是要确保我们发出相同的信息。我确信，当你听到其他六位外长谈话时，他们将对我们今天所谈的情况有一个共同理解，我们将谈到我们达成共识的事情，我肯定他们将表达在数个方面——如联合全面行动计划（JCPOA）——我们对此存在战术分歧——以便取得我们的战略结果。不要误解，今早会议上的所有人都非常专注于确保我们不仅解决与武汉病毒相关的健康危机，而且也解决我们正在回应的全球面临的经济挑战。 布朗先生：阿尔萨德（Arshad）。 问：阿富汗 国务卿蓬佩奥：是的先生。 问：星期一，在你的书面声明中，你说美国将立即把对阿富汗的援助削减10亿美元。首先，你要削减的具体是什么？其次，加尼总统（President Ghani）今天上午据报道向他的内政、国防和财政部长发布了将他们的安全预算总计削减10亿美元的指令。看起来他对失去美国的援助并不是特别担心。你对此做何反应？第三，只要塔利班（Taliban）遵守其不攻击美国军队及切断关系的协议，而且不管加尼总统和前行政长官阿卜杜拉（Chief Executive Abdullah）是否能解决他们之间有关选举的争议，美国都准备按计划执行从阿富汗撤军吗？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：我在一个因为十分确切的原因而没有多少人旅行的时候去了阿富汗。我去那里是要确保阿富汗领导人知道美国在那里的利益，以及所有“坚定支持特派团”（Resolute Support Mission）数年来在那里发挥的作用，并敦促他们履行他们在联合声明中做出的承诺——也就是说，阿富汗领导人已做出了一系列承诺，即他们将会遵守的事项，但到目前为止他们还没有履行。我去那里是要和他们讨论我们能如何协助他们来兑现这些。 说实话，这真令人失望。那里——我去那里试图推进解决的这场已经存在的政治危机——关于你的观点以及你刚刚提到的声明，我还没有看到那些声明——我们需要阿富汗的所有政治领导人汇集在一起：加尼总统、阿卜杜拉博士，以及所有那些对于推动阿富汗前进、为阿富汗人民创造和平与和解以及改善阿富汗人民的生活有共同利益人，组成一个能坐下来同所有阿富汗人展开广泛的对话、在阿富汗内部进行谈判以解决这一系列有待解决的问题的团队。这是我们对阿富汗领导人的期待。这是我去那里的原因。这是我所谈到的。这是我们在会谈期间未能实现这一点而做出有关宣布的原因。这是我们宣布说美国准备削减对他们的安全援助的原因。我们将继续努力并说服所有各方，包括塔利班在内*，现在是在阿富汗实现和平与和解的时候了。 在那里的美军态势，我们已经向我们所有的伙伴表明，我们将在向前推进的过程中继续进行评估。我们有承诺。而且在我们实施这项计划时，我们将观察有关条件。我们谈到过这是一项基于若干条件的计划。我们将继续遵守那些条件，以使所有各方都在我们努力向前推进的过程中遵守那些条件。最终，所有人都知道，而且我见到的所有人——我不仅会见了加尼总统和阿卜杜拉博士，而且会见了安全领导人，我在多哈（Doha）会见了毛拉巴拉达（Mullah Baradar）——他们每一个人都知道这不会通过阵地上的枪炮得到解决。这将通过一个政治进程得到解决，而且现在是所有阿富汗人都汇集在桌前开始这个政治进程的时候了。 我仍对我们能达及目标感到乐观。时间是关键。 问：什么——你要削减什么？什么是（听不清）你正在—— 国务卿蓬佩奥：请提下一个问题。 问：——你说要立即削减？ 布朗先生：我们有请后排的米歇尔（Michel）。 问：谢谢你。谢谢，国务卿先生。 国务卿蓬佩奥：先生，请。 问：国会有人谈到要让中国为冠状病毒疫情负责，因为它隐藏了信息，而且他们要求中国赔偿美国及世界的损失。你计划——本届政府计划起诉中国或要求中国赔偿吗？还有关于叙利亚，国务院已要求该政权释放囚犯，其中有美国公民。你计划在该政权不履行的情况下对其施加任何压力吗？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：你的第二个问题，我们已要求叙利亚释放所有遭到非法关押的人，不仅是美国人，还有其他人。我们还已敦促伊朗伊斯兰共和国也这样做。我们认为在这个时候，在这些人面临巨大的健康风险的时候，纯粹基于人道主义——不考虑其他应有原因——这是——即他们首先是被非法关押的，我们认为这是一个做出人道主义协助的好机会，允许这些美国人回家并回到家人身边。 至于第一个问题，这将由国会决定。我现在不做这个工作了。将由国会决定想要如何推进。但正如我之前所言，今天不是相互指责和问责的日子。我们需要阐明供全世界每个人获取的信息是可获取的。这意味着每个人都做到完全透明，包括中国共产党在内。这是一种持续性挑战。我们仍然需要来自中国共产党的良好信息，有关那里发生过的情况以及该国国内继续存在的病毒程度。我们需要准确、透明的信息，正如我们要求从全世界每个国家那里获得的一样。但将会有一个恰当的时间。当我们已能应对这场危机之后，当我们已能让这些经济体重新站稳脚跟之后，世界将会有机会来评估所发生的一切责任何在。 非常感谢大家。祝大家有美好的一天。

SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  Before I recap today’s ministerial, I want to address the ISIS-K claimed attack in Afghanistan.  The United States condemns the horrific ISIS-K claimed attack on a Sikh temple and community center in Kabul this morning which took the lives of more than two dozen innocent people.  The Afghan people deserve a future free from ISIS-K and other terrorist activity.  Despite the country’s political challenges, the ongoing Afghan peace process remains the primary opportunity for Afghans to come together to negotiate a political settlement and build a unified front against the menace of ISIS-K.  We encourage all Afghans to embrace this opportunity. Now turning to the meeting today. Today’s Virtual G7 Ministerial wasn’t the format we’d envisioned for the meeting when we drew it up, but I’m glad we had the chance to meet, if only by teleconference. I want to thank the people in Pittsburgh for their support and assistance in planning the in-person event that we unfortunately had to cancel.  Certainly, the most pressing agenda item today was the Wuhan virus – something we’re all committed to fighting with transparency, as is necessary all around the world. I made it clear to our G7 partners – especially to our friends in Italy and the rest of Europe – that the United States remains committed to assisting them in all ways possible.  This past Saturday, the United States Air Force sent a C-130 filled with medical supplies to Italy.  The U.S. military is also finalizing plans to make some of its excess medical equipment deployed there available to our Italian friends. In addition, our private businesses, scientific community, NGOs, and religious organizations are answering the call to help.  Samaritan’s Purse, a private U.S. charity, set up a 68-bed field hospital in Cremona, a particularly hard-hit city in northern Italy.  This is the American people’s famous generosity at its finest. Even as we spent substantial time on working to figure out how we would fight this virus together, we’re still keeping our eye on the ball on the other great challenges around the world, which I’ve grouped into categories: First, we spent a substantial amount of time on threats posed by authoritarian states.  The Chinese Communist Party poses a substantial threat to our health and way of life, as the Wuhan virus outbreak clearly has demonstrated.  The CCP also threatens to undermine the free and open order that has underpinned our mutual prosperity and safety in the G7 countries. I urged every one of the countries to work together to protect the UN and other organizations from its malign influence and authoritarianism.  We G7 countries must promote our shared values of freedom, sovereignty, good governance, transparency, and accountability, and push the UN to uphold these principles as well. The group also spoke a great deal about Russia and holding it accountable for its aggression in Ukraine.  Real progress on eastern Ukraine must begin with Russia honoring its commitments under the Minsk agreements.  I also reiterated the simple truth:  Crimea is Ukraine.  The United States will never recognize Russia’s attempted annexation. We spent time, too, talking about another group of challenges posed by unlawful proliferation. On Iran, I thanked countries for the regime – holding the regime accountable for the malign activity through actions like banning Mahan Air and designating all of Hizballah and other Iran-backed terror groups as terrorist organizations. Our pressure campaign remains designed to induce Iran to act like a normal country.  I urged our G7 partners to go further in joining us – and they should especially stand with the U.S. in ensuring that Iran never obtains a nuclear weapon. Similarly, the G7, and all nations, must remain united in calling on North Korea to return to negotiations, and stay committed to applying diplomatic and economic pressure over its illegal nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Another task before us that we discussed at length was to resolve longstanding conflicts: On Afghanistan, we discussed the peace process.  I updated them on my recent visit, and how we can make intra-Afghan negotiations truly successful. We also spent time discussing Syria, where Russia, the Iranian regime, Hizballah, and the Assad regime are threatening Europe with a humanitarian disaster and preventing a political solution in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 2254. We spoke on Libya.  Leaders there must exercise restraint, de-escalate, and reject toxic foreign interference, and engage seriously in UN-mediated discussions to determine Libya’s future. And on Burma, the group was united – united in support of Burma’s democratic transition, economic reforms, and efforts to resist malign influences. Burma must resolve the Rakhine State’s crisis, ensuring and including justice for victims of atrocities and accountability for those responsible – including senior military leaders. And finally, we agreed to keep fighting vigorously against terrorism.  Terrorist attacks by ISIS – like the one I opened my conversation with today – and al-Qaida are increasing in the Sahel.  The region needs better governance and burden sharing from our partners – both in the region and globally – to restore peace and stability.  Signatories to the Algiers Accord for Peace and Reconciliation in Mali must fully implement that agreement. Even when we are unable to meet in person, we had a successful visit.  And the Trump administration remains devoted to our allies and partners, and working with them in these kinds of productive multilateral formats.

美国卫生与公众服务部（U.S. Department of Health and Human Services） 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年1月28日a 关于冠状病毒的新闻简报会（摘译） 卫生与公众服务部部长亚历克斯·阿扎尔（Alex Azar） 疾病控制与预防中心（Centers for Disease Control and Prevention）主任罗伯特·雷德菲尔德（Robert Redfield）博士 疾病控制与预防中心国家免疫中心（National Center for Immunization）主任南希·梅森尼尔（Nancy Messonnier）博士 国家卫生研究院（NIH）过敏症和传染病研究所（National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases）主任安东尼∙福奇（Anthony Fauci） *          *          *          * 阿扎尔：我们现在面临的危险之一是，我们还不了解关于这种病毒需要知道的所有情况。但是我想强调的是，这并不能阻止我们做好应对的准备。我们有以往对付严重急性呼吸综合征（SARS）和中東呼吸綜合症（MERS）这两种对人体造成严重疾病的冠状病毒的经验。我们有应对亚洲禽流感疫情的经验。 *          *          *          * 应对传染病疫情的规范相对简单，涉及很多层次。发现病例，隔离人员，进行诊断和治疗。然后追踪受感染的病人接触的所有的人，然后对这些人员采取同样的措施，如有必要，也可对接触者再接触的人采取同样的措施。这就是公共卫生部门和医疗护理人员与疾病控制与预防中心一起正在美国处理各种案例的方法。我很感激他们正在共同进行的努力。 这些工作，再加上研究和分析，也是我们如何回答我刚才提出的问题的途径。1月6日，我们提出派疾病控制与预防中心的团队前往中国，通过这些公共卫生官员的努力提供帮助。星期一，我在与中国卫生部长谈话时再次提出这个建议。今天通过世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）在北京的领导人又提出了建议。我们对中国强调，做到更合作和更透明是你们为提高应对效果采取的最重要的步骤。 除此之外，应对传染病传播的所有方案都必须准备好，包括旅行限制。但是疾病并不会顾忌边界。所以我们必须认真评估，除了我刚才谈到的已完全经过测试的方式外，是否需要根据情况采取任何其他步骤。 *          *          *          * ……总统与我经常就疫情进行交谈。自疫情构成国际性威胁以来，我每天与国家卫生研究院和白宫（White House）高级官员进行多次交谈。总统高度关注应对疫情的问题，密切注视我们为保障美国人安全正在从事的工作。 *          *          *          * 雷德菲尔德：谢谢你，部长先生。谢谢诸位今天参加我们就目前疫情发展的最新情况进行的讨论。在美国和全球各地，情况正在迅速发生变化。目前我们知道全世界已有18个地区发现这种新型病毒，包括美国。为了在这种新型病毒出现之际更好地保护美国公众的健康，根据来自中国的疫情进展，疾病控制与预防中心已重新评估了切入战略，决定扩大对美国机场旅客进行检测的范围，从原来的5个机场扩大到20个机场。 *          *          *          * 目前正值流感季节，呼吸系统疾病爆发的季节，我国出现了很多呼吸系统疾病。我们建议常洗手，咳嗽时捂住口鼻，如果生病要留在家里。对于医疗护理人员，我们要求他们注意曾前往中国旅行的人，特别是湖北省，是否有发热和呼吸系统症状。你如果正在护理已确诊的病人，我们要求你按照有关的建议，采取控制传染的程序。 对于所有可能已经受到感染的人，我们要求你们遵循疾病控制与预防中心的指导，减少将疾病传播给其他人的危险。对于可能与某些已确诊的病人有密切接触的人，我们也要求他们遵循有关的指导，一旦出现症状需与医疗护理人员联系。 *          *          *          * 福奇：…… 我向各位简要介绍一下国家卫生研究院、我们拨款合同方以及我们在业界的合作伙伴正在探索和跟踪的一些诊断与治疗以及疫苗方面的对应措施。首先，就诊断学角度而言，疾病控制与预防中心根据已经公开的病毒基因序列，迅速开发诊断手段。国家卫生研究院与疾病控制与预防中心将共同开发下一代更即时的实地诊断手段，从而能够向世界有关国家各地提供。 接下来是治疗。对冠状病毒感染尚无确证有效疗法。但是，现在有许多正在进行中的基于过去的严重急性呼吸综合征和中东呼吸综合征冠状病毒所开始的研究。例如，在当时以及在那些疫情与这次爆发之间的这段时间里，有多项抗病毒药物进行了试管和一些动物模式试验，甚至有偶尔在实地的历史对照控制研究。其中一种抗病毒药物是Remdesivir，你们有些人也许记得，它是埃博拉（Ebola）病毒临床试验的药剂之一。还有现在在中国基于人道关怀理由给予某些使用的KALETRA，它是两种抗逆转录病毒药物的结合。 我必须再次强调，这些药物的效力都没有得到证明，但正在对它们进行研究，同时也在鉴别其他一些药剂。我也许应指出为什么我们获得分离病毒如此重要，我们很快将从我国受感染的几个人那里得到它们，就是你们听到的那五个人。另外就是单克隆抗体。我们在对抗非典病毒时，开发了可能会产生疗效的单克隆抗体。但再次说明，没有任何疗法得到证明，因为它们未经过使用——它们仅仅是用于试管和动物模式中。 *          *          *          * 最后，也是十分重要的一点，疫苗。我们已经在国家卫生研究院并且与许多合作伙伴开始开发疫苗。……。 中国在完成病毒分离后，将基因序列放入了公开的数据库。21世纪的技术使我们能够运用这一序列，抽出具体冠状病毒的纤突蛋白基因，将其作为制作疫苗的免疫原。目前正在进行这项准备。我带着一些谨慎的乐观预计，我们将在未来三个月内开始第一阶段试验。 我要强调，因为有时候会有误解，即开始第一阶段试验不意味着马上将有可以投入使用的疫苗。需要用三个月开始试验，需要用三个月获取安全和免疫数据，然后进入第二阶段。第二阶段的工作取决于在这几个月里病情爆发的情况。不要忘记，我们对非典进行了第一阶段试验，但不曾需要使用那种疫苗。不过无论怎样，我们正在以将必须投放使用这种疫苗的姿态展开我们的努力。 换句话说，我们是把它作为将有更严重爆发的最糟糕情况来对待。所以，简言之，现在我们有三种正在研究中的对抗方式。诊断、治疗和疫苗，而后，我们将随着在每个方面取得进展，向各位通报。谢谢。 问：谢谢你。《南华早报》（South China Morning Post）的罗伯特·德莱尼（Robert Delaney）。我就想进一步问一下有关白宫正在考虑从中国到美国的旅行限制的媒体报道。我的另一个问题是有关提出——让美国疾病控制与预防中心团队——通过同中国的医卫当局合作支持一项解决方案。关于中国的回应是什么，以及谁参与了有关互动，你能为我们提供更多的信息吗？谢谢你。 阿扎尔：-关于旅行限令……在一种新型传染病快速出现的情况下，重要的是不排除任何一种方案。我们将持续评估将要采取的适当的公共卫生措施，基于科学、实证以及我们所知的流行病学，其中包括一些重要信息……我们希望通过尽可能快地到中国实地工作来了解，以便能看到原始数据和原始实证，并帮助制定确实需要的那类研究和分析。 这涉及到你的第二个问题，即我们提出的建议，我们的确希望中国政府将采纳我们的建议，疾病控制与预防中心的专家正在待命，已准备好、愿意并能够立即前往中国，不论是在一种双边基础之上还是在世界卫生组织的主持之下。因此，我一直在直接同中国国家卫生健康委员会主任，马主任，以及世卫组织总干事谭德塞（Tedros）进行这些商讨，而且他——谭德塞总干事刚刚在今天上午在中国同最高级别的官员进行了会谈，也就是中国的周二上午。 我感到我同中国政府的互动非常具有建设性和合作性，而且我希望将会有一种积极的解决方式，能够实施，特别是在世界卫生组织的主持下…… 雷德菲尔德：目前我们在中国有一个疾病控制与预防中心的办公室，设在中国疾病控制中心内。我们将增加我们在那里的人员，帮助他们真正识别流行病理，并回答一些已经提出的关键性问题，例如有关无症状传播的问题，特别是潜伏期的问题，因为它如此长短不一。我们还能帮助他们开始理解感染谱的真实情况。 我们还开发出了一种诊断测试，我们可以用它来切实说明在一名患者的确痊愈之后——他们是否真被感染过？这就是我们所做的关键性工作。我们增强实验室支持，但最重要的是，我们增强流行病学能力，来解答这些关键性问题，理解它们对于今后的公共卫生行动至关重要。 *      *      *      * 阿扎尔：……关于同美国驻武汉领事馆有关的人员及家属返回的航班，我们将大力参与那架航班以及有关人员的运输事宜。[他们]将接受持续的检查和评估。飞机上将有医生，而且我们将对他们采取各项基于实证的适当的公共卫生措施，就像我们在其他任何情况下所做的一样。因此将——这将全部取决于我们在进行检查以及同有关人员交谈并进行我们在任何一种传染病接触者追踪行动中所做的那种评估时了解到的情况。 *      *      *      *

HEALTH ALERT: Location: Wuhan, Hankou area Event: On January 29, 2020, the Department allowed for the voluntary departure of non-emergency personnel and family members of U.S. government employees. Hubei Province: Level 4: Do not travel to Hubei province, China due to novel coronavirus first identified in Wuhan, China: There is an ongoing outbreak of respiratory illness first identified in Wuhan, China, caused by a novel (new) coronavirus. In an effort to contain the novel coronavirus, the Chinese authorities have suspended air and rail travel in the area around Wuhan. On January 23, 2020, the Department of State ordered the departure of all non-emergency U.S. personnel and their family members from Wuhan. The U.S. government has limited ability to provide emergency services to U.S. citizens in Hubei province. Chinese authorities have imposed strict travel restrictions in the area around Wuhan. Travelers should be aware that the Chinese government could prevent them from entering or exiting parts of Hubei province. Remainder of China: Chinese health officials have reported thousands of cases of novel coronavirus throughout China, and the outbreak continues to grow. The Department of State has requested that all non-essential U.S. government personnel defer travel to China in light of the novel coronavirus.  Travelers should be prepared for travel restrictions to be put into effect with little or no advance notice. CDC: U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has issued a Warning Level 3 Alert (Avoid Nonessential Travel) for all of China due to the ongoing outbreak of respiratory illness caused by a novel (new) coronavirus that can be spread from person to person. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/novel-coronavirus-2019.html If you must travel to China, you should: If you traveled to China in the last 14 days and feel sick with fever, cough, or difficulty breathing, you should: Please see https://wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/notices/watch/novel-coronavirus-china and https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/novel-coronavirus-2019.html for further updates. Read more: https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/novel-coronavirus-2019.html Continue to exercise increased caution in China due to arbitrary enforcement of local laws and special restrictions on dual U.S.-Chinese citizens: The Chinese government has asserted broad authority to prohibit U.S. citizens from leaving China by using “exit bans,” sometimes keeping U.S. citizens in China for years. The Chinese government uses exit bans coercively: In most cases, U.S. citizens only become aware of the exit ban when they attempt to depart China, and there is no method to find out how long the ban may continue. U.S. citizens under exit bans have been harassed and threatened. U.S. citizens may be detained without access to U.S. consular services or information about their alleged crime. U.S. citizens may be subjected to prolonged interrogations and extended detention for reasons related to “state security.” Security personnel may detain and/or deport U.S. citizens for sending private electronic messages critical of the Chinese government. Extra security measures, such as security checks and increased levels of police presence, are common in the Xinjiang Uighur and Tibet Autonomous Regions. Authorities may impose curfews and travel restrictions on short notice. The Chinese government does not recognize dual nationality. U.S.-Chinese citizens and U.S. citizens of Chinese heritage may be subject to additional scrutiny and harassment, and the Chinese government may prevent the U.S. Embassy from providing consular services. Read the Safety and Security section on the country information page. If you decide to travel to China: U.S. Embassy Beijing No. 55 An Jia Lou Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100600 China Telephone: +(86)(10) 8531-4000 Emergency After-Hours Telephone: +(86)(10) 8531-4000 Fax: +(86)(10) 8531-3300 BeijingACS@state.gov State Department – Consular Affairs – 888-407-4747 or 202-501-4444

普赖斯（PRICE）先生：各位下午好。很高兴见到大家。我想大家都知道——也看到——我们今天有一位非常特别的嘉宾。他是一个不需要介绍的人，在这个大厅中尤为如此。你们中的许多人都认识他；所有的人都知道他。他就是前国务卿和我们的气候变化问题总统特使克里。在联合国气候变化框架公约缔约方会议（COP）将在未来几天举行之际，他在此先做一个简要的讲话，然后回答提问。   好，我就不多说了，有请克里国务卿。   克里国务卿：内德，非常、非常感谢你。很高兴能回到这里和大家重聚，几乎所有的人都在。迈特·李不在，还有其他几位。   好的，请允许我与大家分享一下关于即将举行的COP大会的一些想法。我今晚就要出发，途中还有其他几站要停留。但是，我们正在与所有的盟友，与许许多多国家以及世界各地进行非常密切的合作，以便在今年的COP会议上大幅提升气候雄心。这是最根本的目标。我们离开格拉斯哥（Glasgow）时，承诺继续保持将地球温度升幅限制在1.5摄氏度的可能性。这就是我们的目标，基于科学确立的目标。我们从占全球GDP约65%的国家获得了非常重要的承诺，正是为了实现将温度升幅保持在1.5度这一目标。我们也在努力争取世界各国作出重要承诺，以增强对气候影响的抵御能力，以及能够建立对其中一些影响的长期适应能力；同时，我们在提供新的气候资金方面正在做出重大贡献。   在有幸代表拜登总统和我们的国家访问世界各地的过程中，我发现对我们快速行动能力的最大限制是无法筹集大量资金来实施这一过渡计划。   但我们正在取得进展，我感谢拜登总统的耐心以及他的领导作用，在他的领导下，我们制定了《降低通货膨胀法案》》（Inflation Reduction Act），这是一项非常非常重要的立法，已经在全球范围内产生影响。 因为人们看到了美国在做什么，这带动了其他国家——其中一些是出于竞争目的，另一些则认为这是一种责任。   因此，除此之外，美国参议院欣然批准了基加利（Kigali）协议，当该协议执行后，仅此一项就会把温度升幅减少约0.2摄氏度。这是一项重大成果，总统已经签署了这项协议，相关文件已送达纽约进行适当交存。   因此，关于即将在埃及沙姆沙伊赫（Sharm El-Sheikh）举行的COP27会议，我们已经确定了四个非常具体的重点议题。第一，我们寻求在COP上集体发声：世界将坚守实现气候目标的雄心，并将在格拉斯哥作出的承诺的基础上继续前进，而不是倒退。正如我们所知，根据国际能源署（International Energy Agency）的数据，如果在格拉斯哥做出的所有承诺能确实得到履行，那么到2050年，气温将上升约1.8度。迄今为止，仅基于占全球GDP 65%的国家的承诺就能实现这一目标，这确实非常了不起。它告诉所有人，如果按照承诺去做，如果现在做得更多，我们实际上可以赢得这场战斗。这给人以希望。   我们认识到，全球市场已经发生了重大动荡。显然，由于乌克兰和普京总统对乌克兰的非法和野蛮入侵，在能源领域出现了很多情况。因此，需要明确指出，作为一个国家或一个政府，我们对市场中发生的各类干扰并非充耳不闻­，无论是新冠疫情还是通货膨胀的影响——战争和主要能源供应被切断以及由此导致的重新调整大大加剧了通货膨胀的影响。   因此，我们正在努力做的第二件事是将温度升幅限制在更接近1.5度。占GDP 65%的国家作出承诺是不够的；我们需要更多人、更多国家参与。因此，在过去一年中，我们花了大量时间与世界各地的国家合作，使他们提高其国家自主贡献（NDC），许多国家正在这样做。他们将在未来几天内予以宣布。   几天前我刚刚在墨西哥，我们将与洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔（López Obrador））总统就墨西哥将要采取的行动发布一项重要消息。 这件事意义重大，因为我们在格拉斯哥时还没有取得这一进展。   此外，我们一直在与印度尼西亚、南非、印度和其他国家合作，努力推动这些“国际公正能源转型伙伴关系”（International Just Energy Transition）。关于这个问题，我们将在沙姆沙伊赫有更多表态。我们也一直在努力加快转型，特别是与欧盟、德国和欧洲复兴开发银行（European Bank for Redevelopment）在这方面进行合作。我们已经与埃及达成了减少使用天然气的协议。这些天然气将能够转运到欧洲，以帮助该地区度过一个困难的冬天。此外，我们还有能力增加约10千兆瓦的装机容量，其中相当一部分使用可再生能源。抵达埃及之后，我们会就此发布更多信息。   第三，我们正在推动各种多边倡议，这些倡议将有助于加速减排，促进长期的过渡。我们正在加快实施“全球甲烷承诺“（Global Methane Pledge），如你们所知，这一承诺是我们在格拉斯哥首次提出的。122个国家现在已经签署了这项承诺。到2030年，即在未来7年的时间里，我们要减少30%的甲烷排放。如果实现了这一目标，同胞们，这相当于世界上的每一辆轿车、每一辆卡车、每一条船、每一架飞机的排放在2030年之前都将变成零。这是一个巨大的收获，世界上的国家普遍参与了这项工作。 我们欢迎这些努力，呼吁各国将这些努力纳入其国家自主贡献方案中。   我们和挪威共同牵头提出了绿色航运倡议（Green Shipping Initiative）。如果航运业是一个国家，它将是世界上第八大排放国。因此，我们现在与巴拿马和希腊合作，建立了特殊关系，前者将主办下一届 “我们的海洋大会”（Our Ocean Conference）后者将主办下一届会议。这两个非常重要的航运国家承诺帮助创建这些绿色航运走廊。我们也在努力改进这些绿色船舶的动力和制造。我们正在大大增加“先行者联盟 “（First Movers Coalition）的成员数量。在这项努力中，世界各地的大公司自愿通过为自己购买的绿色产品设定目标来向市场发出需求信号，因此马士基航运公司（Maersk Shipping）承诺其未来要建造或购买的八艘船将是无碳船舶。沃尔沃、通用汽车、福特也已作出承诺，他们购买用于制造汽车的钢材中 10% 将是绿色钢材。因此，此类市场信息对于加强人们对转型的信心至关重要，我们认为这将产生深远影响。   第四，也是最后一点，我们会展示一系列将由美国政府交付的成果，这些成果均与缓解和因应气候变化的影响相关。我们正在努力促进对全球已经感受到的气候影响的适应力和复原力。鉴于本次COP会议在非洲举行，并且世界上受气候影响最严重的20个国家中有17个在非洲，尽管这些国家的排放微不足道，因此，至关重要的是，所有国家，无论是发展中国家和发达国家，都要共同加大努力，以促进建立复原力和适应能力。我们将重点介绍拜登总统提出的紧急适应力和复原力计划，英文简称PREPARE。我们还将与埃及在COP会议的最初几天共同主办一个适应气候影响的活动。联合国秘书长呼吁在五年内为所有国家——包括世界上面临高风险的国家——提供预警系统，我们支持并致力于实现这一目标。继在格拉斯哥宣布向“适应基金”（adaptation fund）提供5000万美元的首次捐款后，我们计划今年拨出2500万美元，明年再拨出2500万美元，以帮助适应基金开展这些工作。   我们还致力于在COP 27的多边气候讨论中，建设性地参与避免、减少气候影响以及解决因气候影响造成的损失和损害的实际步骤。根据《巴黎协定》（Paris Agreement），美国认识到，我们必须加大努力，以避免和尽量减少影响、损失和损害。我们准备这样做。我们深信，我们可以与其他国家一起，在已经取得的重大成就的基础上再接再厉。我们可以更好地改造我们的经济，创造数量惊人的优质就业机会。我们承诺在这个决定性的十年中采取进一步气候行动。因此，在我们前往沙姆沙伊赫并为随后在阿联酋举行的下一届COP会议做准备之际，有很多关键的事情要做。现在，请大家随意提问。   问：谢谢。谢谢你，克里国务卿。你能否谈谈在中国暂停气候对话之后，你是否预期将与中国有关官员进行任何形式的互动？你——当时你说中国是在惩罚世界，但中国回应说会继续致力于其气候目标，并积极参与应对气候变化的国际合作。有了这个承诺，你是否有信心仍然可以实现目标？   克里国务卿：我们从第一天起就说过，我们随时准备与中国坐下来讨论气候问题，共同努力解决这个不是双边问题，而是一个普世性、全球性、关乎存在的问题。没有中国、没有俄罗斯、没有印度、没有大国和大型经济体坐到桌前，气候变化问题就无法解决。   因此，我们充满希望。当我们启程前往沙姆沙伊赫（Sharm el-Sheikh）时，我们希望可以重振我们曾在进行的重要且良好的对话。5月，我在达沃斯（Davos）会见了中国代表团的有关官员。随后我们在柏林（Berlin）举行的一次会议上再次见面，然后在瑞典的另一次会议斯德哥尔摩+50（Stockholm+50）上又一次相遇。我们进行了非常好的会谈——非常有建设性，对于我们的前进方向非常明确。因此，我仍然希望在短期内的某个时候我们可以恢复这些，因为正如我说过的，你不能——没有人——不是中国，也不是我们，这两个最大的排放国——在没有合作及全球努力的情况下都不能解决这个问题。   *          *          *          *   问：关于联合国气候变化大会（COP），格蕾塔·桑伯格（Greta Thunberg）说她不会参加。她指责COP和类似的峰会给了掌权者一个“漂绿”（greenwashing）的机会——   问：是的。所以她说她不会参加。其他气候活动人士当然也在效仿。我只是想让你有机会回应这些说法。   克里国务卿：我非常尊重格蕾塔·桑伯格。我见过她，对她有好感，而且非常感谢她为这项事业注入的热忱，以及她激励了许许多多的人参与并加入其中。每个人都有权自己决定他们想参加什么活动，或者他们认为某些重要的事情是否可能会发生。多年来，我一直这样说，自从早在1988年我第一次涉足这个领域，当时我们第一次从一位科学家——吉姆·汉森（Jim Hansen）——那里了解到正在发生的情况。两位——多位参议院人士，或者说我们在参议院的一组人士，于1992年前往里约参加第一次峰会，由此产生了我们现在仍在参加的这个联合国进程。   因此，尽管我们中的许多人都为我们花了这么长时间才让越来越多的人承认正在发生的情况而有挫折感，但我们做到了。能够把我们大家组织起来并完成这项工作的唯一方式——在有大约200个国家参与其中时——是在某个地方汇集在一起并为此而努力。   她不是政府官员，因此在这方面不会起到同样的作用。但我完全尊重她的选择，而且最重要的是，我很感谢有人像她这样如此关注，并且像她这样义无反顾地投身其中。   *             *             *             *   问：谢谢你，国务卿先生。希望听到你高瞻远瞩的看法。你在2015年签署了《巴黎气候协定》（Paris Climate Agreement），当时你的孙女坐在你膝上。从那时至今发生了很多事情，不仅科学家说洪水、干旱、飓风、山火——不一而足——已经越来越严重，而且我们在这里经历了一届内含气候怀疑论者和否定论者的政府。我们经历了民粹主义。我们经历了另类事实之说和后真相。你会不会说，从你在2015年签署协议至今，就这场努力说服民众对抗气候变化的斗争而言，我们或世界领导人的处境更糟糕了，或者更好了？   克里国务卿：虽说这让你听起来可能自相矛盾，我对此抱歉，但是我们其实处在这两种状态。我们的境况更糟糕是因为，融化发生得更快了，火灾更频繁也更大了，干旱时间更长也更突出了，极热天气的温度更高了。我们现在因为极端高温每年正在失去大概1000万人，过去是500万人。每年因为空气质量失去1500万人，那根本就不叫质量——那是被温室气体污染的空气。   所以，不更加加速行动对我们有巨大的危险——我们知道我们必须加速而且能够加速。每一个经济分析家都将向你显示，今天不采取行动要比采取行动昂贵得多。我们将来要偿还。过去一年里我们经历了15个10亿美元的气候事件。此前，我们有大约10个——大约100亿美元。我的意思是，就这点而言，它变得更大和更严重，因为大自然并不衡量那些排放来自谁或是来自什么地方。产生影响的是总排放量；尽管我们制定了能够使它们下降的有力目标，但总排放量上升了。   那么，我展示的是比较糟糕的一面，即更大的灾难正在逼近的可能性在今天更大。但是——这是一个重要的“但是”，它很重要，对我们至关重要——正在有更多新动态。有更多的国家坐到桌前。有比人类历史上任何时候都更多的力量正在被用于转型。石油公司、天然气公司正在对再生能源进行投资，并且在谈论不做石油和天然气公司，做能源公司。如今有大约1万亿美元的风险投资在追逐那些技术。在电池储存和直接空气碳捕获以及绿色氢、蓝色氢等方面我们正在看到巨大进展。   有如此之多——甚至还有聚变。我最近到加利福尼亚州去了解那里正在发生什么。那里的科学家让我吃惊，在我担任美国参议员的整个时期内，几乎有30年，他们总是会对你说，“聚变距离现在还有30年”。每隔十年，“还有30年”。现在他们不再这样说了。我们将在大约两年、三年之内做出聚变原型反应堆，也就是要看看我们能否让概念得到大规模的验证。而且人们正在看到出现其他许多动态，对我来说，它们在告诉我们：我们能够赢得这场战斗。   当国际能源署（IEA）告诉我们，如果你们把你们在格拉斯哥所说要做的一切兑现，你们有可能降低地球的温度——我们一开始把可能性放在达到2.5摄氏度或3.7摄氏度。那是我们的起点。如果一下子我们在桌前得到承诺可以保持在1.8度，而那只是来自65%，当你使其余百分比也加入进来，我们可以降低到1.6度，或无论多少。这是极其巨大的，如果我们达到的话。   如今，显然乌克兰的情况造成一个挑战，也就是大型经济体，如德国、法国还有其他国家，眼下保持他们经济运转的能力。由于天然气被切断，他们不情愿地——不是热情高涨地表示，不得不让几座火电厂保持运转，以防万一；不得不保持一个核电厂，以防万一。所以，他们对某些决定正在作出调整，但是他们有决心。德国现在正在采取行动，走向使80%的所有电力来自再生能源。这很了不起。一个拥有那样工业的强国。   福特汽车公司和通用汽车公司以及世界各地其他一些公司已经斥资亿万美元改造工厂。为什么？因为他们转向电动车。到2035年，美国所有车辆都将是电动车，不是指路上跑的车，但是销售的车和新车都将是。这是拜登总统的目标。到2035年，他希望美国电力成为无碳行业。   所以，如果我们加速这些努力，而技术和创业活动将帮助我们这样做，那么变化会更快。因此，这是我的巨大希望和一定程度的乐观的来源，因为我相信，我们仍然能够让它发生。但是我们必须作出正确的决定并实施这些决定。拜登总统通过的《降低通货膨胀法》将提供可观的税收优惠和生产税收优惠，对行业行为有直接指导作用。鉴于能源部将获得资金而这些资金将拨给我们的国家实验室，我们将能比我国历史任何时期都更有力地推动研发与发展取得突破。   我们正在面对一个即使不说是比工业革命更大——我认为比它更大——也要说是巨大的转型。我们将改变提供能源的方式。我们将改变我们移动的方式。我们的生活将更清洁，希望——请相信我——也更加安全，因为我们不需要将年轻人派到世界其他什么地方去捍卫我们的能源利益，我们在国内就能生产。   因此，我对这些可能性感到兴奋，我认为私人行业将对我们解决这个问题的能力产生深远影响。为什么？因为世界上没有任何国家拥有足够的资金作出这种转型，它需要有数万亿计美元。这是联合国金融报告所说。未来30年里每年需要有大约2.5到4.5万亿美元。它从哪里来？如果我们让私人行业坐到桌前，提供合理的鼓励，并采取正确的行动，我们能够给那些新能源生产设施和新交通设施提供亿万美元投资，而其余的一切都将成为历史。   所以，一方面是这样，另一方面是那样——我们必须作出正确的选择。非常感谢大家。   *          *          *          *   问：谢谢。我有一个问题，有关今天从英国传来的新闻。里希・苏纳克（Rishi Sunak）来了一个180度大转弯，并宣布他还是会参加第27届联合国气候变化大会（COP27）。美国是否欢迎苏纳克的决定？你能否更多地向我们介绍一点关于美国和英国在能源安全和可再生能源投资方面的合作领域，因为这似乎是新首相的优先重点。正如他今天所说，在峰会之前不投资于可再生能源，就没有能源安全可言。   普赖斯先生：我们的英国盟友一直打算积极参与即将举行的COP27。我们当然欢迎首相的出席。我——不是代表总统讲话，我想总统会期待在那里见到首相。气候合作、气候雄心和气候适应是我们每一项双边关系的优先重点。当然，没有比我们与英国盟友之间的双边关系更密切的了，因此我们在气候方面与我们的英国盟友非常密切地合作是顺理成章的，而且在能源独立方面也是如此。我们已经详细讨论了我们正在与英国和我们的欧洲盟国采取的步骤，以努力确保我们所有的国家，包括美国和英国在内，都对潜在的能源冲击更具复原力，并最终更具能源独立性。   这正是克里国务卿刚才谈到的观点。普京总统对乌克兰发动的无理的非法战争所造成的不稳定，给全世界——在欧洲、北美和世界各地——大声敲响了警钟，需要实现远离化石燃料的转型，而且肯定需要摆脱对与我们利益不同的外国的依赖性。就在最近，我们所看到的俄罗斯的一些将能源武器化的行径也提醒我们认识到这一点。欧洲在这方面深受其害。这就是为什么我们在短期和长期内的许多工作侧重于与欧洲合作以抵御近期潜在的能源冲击。   我们与世界各地的合作伙伴合作，其中包括在印太地区——例如日本——以增加对欧洲的液化天然气供应，帮助增强有关能力并解决未来几个月的冬季的需求。我们已经在我们自己的国家采取措施，增加对欧洲的液化天然气的出口。我们在这里也采取了措施来增加国内能源生产，而且我们的出口量比以前更多。并且这是额外的——总统已经决定动用战略石油储备（Strategic Petroleum Reserve）来投放1.8亿桶石油用于同样目的。   从长远来看，我们不仅是着眼于几周和几个月，而是几年。就欧洲而言，拜登总统和冯德莱恩主席（von der Leyen）于去年 6 月成立了美国-欧盟能源工作组（U.S.‑EU Energy Task Force），专注于我们如何能协调我们的政策，如何能协调我们各自的方针，以便我们共同采取措施，将在未来几年使我们远不那么易于受到潜在的能源武器化的影响，以及我们最终如何能大大增强不依赖外国能源的独立性。   *             *             *             *   问：是的，所以要在能源领域保持领先，但看看中国，鉴于中国今年生产的煤炭创历史新高并提高了产量，习主席在向CCP ——几周前的中共代表大会——提交的全长72页的报告中提到气候变化只有一次。你能否在参加联合国气候变化大会（COP）时——你和克里国务卿以及在未来类似的讨论中——确信你们对中国以及能源和气候变化的战略确实在发挥效力，优先考虑气候问题并努力将他们作为在这个问题上的合作伙伴？   普赖斯先生：克里国务卿刚刚谈到了这个问题，但我会重申他的话。我们别无选择，只能寻找途径在中国问题上——对不起——在气候问题上与中华人民共和国合作。我们过去已经证明了我们这样做的能力，事实上大约一年前在上届COP会议上，克里国务卿和中华人民共和国对等官员宣布了一项联合协议，帮助我们为实现最终气候目标取得了巨大进展。   因此，中华人民共和国在今年夏天决定暂停气候合作令人深感遗憾。这不仅仅——这令人深感遗憾，不仅仅因为它对双边关系的影响，这是存在共同利益的领域之一，而且更令人遗憾的是它会给国际社会、给全球带来集体损失。我们相信，而且我们也曾一度听到中华人民共和国的同样表示，即美国和中国作为世界上最大的排放国，如果我们要保持将升温幅度限制在1.5摄氏度以内的目标，就必须寻找途径在气候问题上进行合作，并在限制排放的问题上进行合作。   问：是的，再很快地接着问一个问题。所以你说你别无选择，因此，那些希望你采取更强硬态度的国会人士或其他人士，你认为那根本不是一个可行的计划。除了你目前正在采取的路线之外，没有其他可行的路线吗？你别无选择？   普赖斯先生：我很难想象与中华人民共和国在气候问题上合作时的强硬态度会是什么样的。这显然是一个符合我们利益的领域。这显然符合中华人民共和国的利益。我们已经一次又一次地显示出，包括在最近几个月，尽管存在巨大分歧，而且在某种程度上可能还不止于此——但尽管存在巨大分歧——我们的国家在气候问题上合作的能力。我们之所以能够在这个具体问题上合作，正是因为这不仅符合我们的利益，不仅符合中华人民共和国的利益，而且符合我们的共同利益，也符合全球社会的利益。   *             *             *             *   问：但你对哥伦比亚总统有什么话要说吗，他已与马杜罗（Maduro）会面？   普赖斯先生：我们已经敦促哥伦比亚继续在多边论坛上与合作伙伴共同努力，倡导一个民主和繁荣的半球，并追究违反民主权利和民主规范的政府的责任，包括神圣载入《美洲宪章》（Inter-American Charter）的规范在内。就在短短几周前，我们有机会与佩特罗总统（President Petro）及其团队会面。当然，委内瑞拉是议程中的首要内容。我们感谢哥伦比亚在安置大约200万委内瑞拉难民方面发挥的重要作用，我们还讨论了如何与哥伦比亚合作，追究马杜罗政权的责任。

NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON WASHINGTON, DC NOVEMBER 2, 2022 2:01 p.m. EDT   MR PRICE: Good afternoon, everyone. Good to see everyone. I think as everyone knows and everyone can see, we have a very special guest with us today. He’s someone who needs no introduction, especially to this room. Many of you know him; all of you know of him. Secretary Kerry, our Special Presidential Envoy for Climate, is going to offer some opening remarks as we look forward to COP in the coming days, and then he will take some of your questions. So without further ado, Secretary Kerry. SECRETARY KERRY: Ned, thank you very, very much. Great to be back with almost everybody. No Matt Lee, and a few others. So let me share a few thoughts with all of you about the COP upcoming. I am about to depart this evening on winding my way there with a few other stops. But at this year’s COP, we’re working very closely with all of our allies, with many, many countries, and around the world in order to principally raise climate ambition. That’s the fundamental goal. And we left Glasgow keeping alive the possibility of holding the Earth’s temperature increase to 1.5 degrees. That’s the goal, the scientifically established goal. And we secured very significant commitments from about 65 percent of global GDP to do exactly that, to keep the temperature increased to the 1.5 degrees. And we also are trying to solicit important commitments from countries around the world on enhancing resilience to climate impacts as well as being able to build out adaptation for the longer term to some of those impacts, and we are doing major lifting with respect to providing new climate finance. I have found as I’ve had the privilege of traveling the world on behalf of President Biden and our country that the single biggest restraint on our ability to be able to move rapidly is our inability to summon the significant amounts of money that have to come to the table to implement this transition. But we are making progress, and I thank President Biden for his patience as well as his leadership that produced the Inflation Reduction Act, a very, very significant piece of legislation that is already having an impact on a global basis. Because people see what the United States is doing, and it has spurred other countries on – some competitively, and some because they see it as a responsibility. So in addition to that, the United States Senate happily ratified the Kigali agreement, which in and of itself, when applied, will save about .2 degrees Celsius in the rise of temperature. It’s very significant, the President has signed it, and the papers have been sent to New York for appropriate filing. So at COP27, in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, we have defined four very specific priorities. Number one: We seek a collective message out of the COP that the world is going to remain strong on climate ambition and will build on, not go backwards, from the pledges that were made in Glasgow. As we know, according to the International Energy Agency, if all the promises of Glasgow are indeed fulfilled, we would by 2050 be at about 1.8 degrees of warming. The fact that the pledges to date with only 65 percent of GDP can achieve that is really quite remarkable, and it says to all of us, if we do what we pledge to do, and if we now do more, we can actually win this battle. And it gives hope. We recognize that there have been significant upheavals in the global marketplace. And there’s a lot happening, obviously, playing out with respect to energy because of Ukraine and President Putin’s illegal and grotesque invasion of Ukraine. So to be clear, we’re not tone-deaf as a nation or as an administration to the pull and tug that has taken place with respect to the marketplace – from COVID, from the impacts of inflation, and the impacts of inflation which came significantly through the war and the cut-off of major energy supplies and realignment thereof. So the second thing we’re working to do is to get closer to that 1.5. Sixty-five percent is not enough; we need more people, more countries participating. So we have spent a great deal of time over the course of this last year working with countries all around the world to get them to raise their NDCs, and many are. And they will be announced over the next few days. I was just in Mexico a few days ago, and we will have a major announcement with President López Obrador has agreed to with respect to what Mexico is now going to undertake. And that will be significant because that is not where we were in the time of Glasgow. In addition, we’ve been working with Indonesia, with South Africa, with India, with other countries to try to work on these Just Energy Transition Partnerships. And we’ll have more to say about that in Sharm el-Sheikh. We’ve also been trying to accelerate the transition, particularly in partnership with the EU, with Germany and the European Bank for Redevelopment. And we have now reached an agreement with Egypt for a reduction in use of gas. That gas will be able to be transferred to Europe to help them during a difficult winter, and in addition we will have an ability to build out about 10 gigawatts – a significant amount of renewable. And there’ll be more that we will say about that when we get to Egypt. Third, we are pursuing various multilateral initiatives that will contribute to accelerating the reduction of emissions, and also facilitating the long term transition. We are speeding ahead with the implementation of the Global Methane Pledge that you know we debuted in Glasgow. 122 nations have now signed up. It’s a 30 percent reduction in methane emissions over the course of – by 2030, the next seven years. If that happens, folks, it is the equivalent of every car, every truck in the world, every ship, every airplane in the world all going to zero by 2030. It’s an enormous gain, and we have massive participation in this effort by countries around the world. We welcome these efforts, and we’re calling on countries to include those kinds of efforts in their NDCs. With Norway, we are spearheading something called the Green Shipping Initiative. If shipping were in and of itself a country, it would be the eighth largest emitter in the world. So we have now got a special relationship that’s working with both Panama, which will host the next Our Ocean Conference, and Greece, which will host the Our Ocean Conference after that – two very important shipping nations – and they are committed to helping to create these green shipping corridors. We also are working on the propulsion of those ships and the construction of them. We’re adding significant participant numbers to the First Movers Coalition, which is a willing effort by major corporations around the world to send a demand signal to the marketplace by setting goals for the green products that they will buy so Maersk Shipping is going to – has committed that the next eight ships that they build or buy will be carbon free. Volvo, General Motors, Ford have committed that 10 percent of the steel that they buy to make their cars will be green steel. So this market messaging is critical to helping people to make a transition with confidence, and we think that’s going to have a profound impact. Fourth and last, we are showcasing a host of U.S. Government deliverables related to mitigation and adaptation. We’re working very hard to promote adaptation and resilience to climate impacts that are already being felt globally. And given that this COP takes place in Africa, and 17 of the 20 most impacted climate countries in the world are in Africa and yet they contribute barely nothing to the emissions, it is critical that all of us together – developing and developed worlds – step up together in order to facilitate the building of resilience and adaptation itself. We are going to highlight President Biden’s plan for emergency adaptation and resilience known as PREPARE, and we’re going to be cohosting in Egypt with Egypt an adaptation event in the early days of the COP. We’re also supporting the UN secretary-general’s plea, his call to provide early warning systems for all nations – all vulnerable nations within the world within five years, and we are committed to achieving that. And following our announcement in Glasgow of our first ever contribution to the adaptation fund of 50 million, we plan to move 25 million this year now with the other 25 million coming next year to help with the adaptation fund to be able to administer these efforts. We are also committed to engaging constructively on real steps to avert, minimize, and address loss and damage in the multilateral climate discussions of COP 27. And consistent with the Paris Agreement, the United States recognizes that we have to make increased efforts to avert and minimize the impacts, the loss and damage. We intend to do that, and we believe we can build on significant climate achievements, that with other countries we can transform our economy for the better, creating unbelievable numbers of good jobs, and we can commit to furthering climate action during this decisive decade. So there’s much on the line as we go to Sharm el-Sheikh and lay the groundwork for the next COP after that which will take place in the UAE. With that, let me open it up to any questions. MR PRICE: Shaun. QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Could I follow up on a couple of the things you said? The loss and damage issue – you said that you want that to be discussed at COP. Does the United States think that the existing structure in place is sufficient for that? Could there be a new mechanism warranted to actually commit for loss and damage? Or do you think what we have now is enough? Should there actually be a – how much of a commitment do you actually want on loss and damage? And could I actually follow up – you mentioned Mexico will come forward a bit. Could – if you have any more details on that, but could I also ask you about Brazil – had an election a couple of days ago. Lula has taken a very different approach on deforestation. How much of an impact do you think that will have on the overall climate ambitions of the world? Thanks. SECRETARY KERRY: Sure, well, let me begin on the loss and damage. I just had a very good conversation with the prime minister of Barbados, and we had a deep discussion. I think we found a lot of agreement on where we’re heading and what we have to do here. We need to come together, all of us, to recognize that not enough is happening – even though I’ve cited an enormous amount of things that are happening, it is not enough to be able to, on its own, achieve our goals, particularly without a number of other countries being at the table and raising their ambition similarly. So we are anxious to see the loss and damage issue dealt with upfront and in a real way at the COP. We anticipate that it will be an agenda item, and we’re perfectly comfortable helping it to be that, which means at some point you’ve got to have an outcome. And we anticipate trying to work towards that outcome according to what we decided in Glasgow. That would be over the course of a two-year period, but maybe it could be done faster. We’re not sure. I think we have to get there and have the conversation. And we certainly support coming out with some kind of structure that provides for appropriate financial arrangements which we hope to arrive at. So we have to get there, and we’ll work in good faith to do that. With respect to – and let me just say one other – I think we are anxious to do this in a very cooperative, nonconfrontational way. We don’t feel that this has to be an issue that’s pounded at people because we agree, as do almost all nations now, that much more has to happen faster and we have to find more money to put into the system in order to deploy the technologies and help the countries be able to do what they need to do to meet the challenge. So I think you’re going to see some impactful and important initiatives in order to try to help provide that finance. One example would be the MDB reform. We can’t talk about it anymore; we have to do it. And we’re the largest shareholder, the United States. I know President Biden is seized by this issue. I know that Secretary Yellen has twice given three major speeches on it and most recently raised it at the fall meetings of the development banks. And I think we’re very, very committed to trying to get that reform in place because that will significantly increase the amount of available concessionary money and low-interest money that can leverage the kind of deployment of the technologies that we need. On Brazil, we have set up with the environment minister a working group that includes the FBI, the DHS, the Department of Justice, the EPA – a whole large group of American agencies and departments that have some responsibility for some components of what happens to promote deforestation or to allow it to take place. Under the Bolsonaro government, regrettably, the level of deforestation increased in the Amazon, and it is at perilous high levels today. President-elect Lula is committed. He’s already shown that commitment previously with a program that he had in place, but now I hope we’ll be able to refine that program and move forward even more rapidly with the reforms that are necessary in order to try to save the Amazon. There are about 25 million people who live there. They don’t have a lot of income other than, today, cattle or logging. And so we in the rest of the world are going to have to recognize that if we’re going to value this great forest, we have to help them to be able to preserve it. And I think there are many countries ready to step up to do that. So we’ll reach out to the incipient to the Lula government as soon as it’s appropriate. MR PRICE: Yes, (inaudible). QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you, Secretary Kerry. Can you talk about if you are expecting to have any kind of interaction with your Chinese counterpart after China has suspended the climate talk? You – back then, you said China is punishing the world, but China replied by saying that it will stay committed to its climate goals and actively participate in international cooperation on climate change. With this commitment, are you confident that you can still reach your goal? SECRETARY KERRY: Well, we have said from day one that we stand ready to sit down with China on the climate issue and work together to solve what is not a bilateral issue, but what is a universal, global, existential issue. And there is no solution to the problem of climate change without China, without Russia, without India, without large countries, large economies being at the table. So we’re hopeful. We’re hopeful as we take off and go to Sharm el-Sheikh that we can renew the important and good conversation that we were having. I met with my counterpart in the Chinese delegation in Davos in May. I met subsequently in Berlin at a conference that took place there, and then I met again at yet another conference in Sweden, at Stockholm+50. And we had very good meetings – very constructive, very clear where we were going to go. So I remain hopeful that at some point in the near term we can resume that because, as I said, you cannot – no one – not China, not we, who are the two largest emitters – can solve this problem without cooperation and without global effort. MR PRICE:  Yes. QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, news reports said that after COP27 you will be leaving your position. Is that correct? SECRETARY KERRY:  You trying to get rid of me? QUESTION:  And why? SECRETARY KERRY:  I don’t have any plans whatsoever except trying to make COP a success. That is my focus exclusively and I have no other plans. MR PRICE:  Jen. QUESTION:  On COP, Greta Thunberg has said that she’s not going to attend. She’s accused COP and summits like it of being a chance for people in power to use greenwashing — SECRETARY KERRY:  Who? I’m sorry. QUESTION:  Greta Thunberg. SECRETARY KERRY:  Oh, Greta. QUESTION:  Yes. So she said she’s not going attend. Other climate activists, of course, are following suit. I just want to give you a chance to respond to those allegations. SECRETARY KERRY:  Well, I have great respect for Greta Thunberg. I’ve met with her and I like her and hugely appreciate the passion she has brought to this cause and the many, many people she has motivated to be engaged and involved. Everybody has a right to make their own decision about what they want to attend or where they think something important may or may not be happening. I have always said for years now, from my first foray in this arena back in 1988 when we first learned what was happening from a scientist, Jim Hansen. Two – many of us in the Senate, or a group of us in the Senate, went to Rio in 1992 for the first summit, out of which came the UN process that we’re now still attending. So while many of us are chagrined that it has taken so long for us to get to a place where more and more people are accepting what’s happening, we are there. And the only way to be able to organize ourselves and get the job done, when you have 200 or so nations that are involved in this, is to come together somewhere and work at it. Now, she’s not a government official and therefore doesn’t have the same role to play in that regard. But I completely respect her choice and, most importantly, am grateful that somebody has cared as much as she has cared and has put herself on the line as forcefully as she has. MR PRICE:  Let’s take a final question or so. Yes, please. QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary. The – hoping to get your bird’s-eye view here. You signed the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015 with your granddaughter on your knee. Since then, a lot has happened, not only that scientists have said the flood, droughts, hurricanes, wildfires, you name it, have got worse, but also we’ve lived through an administration here that has harbored climate skeptics and deniers. We’ve lived through populism. We’ve lived through alternate facts and post-truth. Would you say, from when you signed that agreement in 2015 to now, are we or are world leaders in a worse situation or better situation when it comes to the battle of trying to convince people to fight against climate change? SECRETARY KERRY:  Well, this may sound incongruous to you, and I’m sorry for that, but we’re actually in both. We are in worse shape in that the melting is taking place faster, the fires are more frequent and bigger, the droughts have been longer and more pronounced, the extreme heat has been higher. And we are now losing maybe 10 million people a year, up from five, to extreme heat every year. Fifteen million people a year we lose to the quality of air, which is not quality at all – it’s air that is polluted by virtue of greenhouse gases. So the danger to us in not moving yet faster, which we know we must do and can do, is enormous. And every economic analysis will show you that it is far more expensive to not do things today than to do them. And we will pay down the road. We’ve had 15 $1 billion climate events during this past year. Before that, we had about 10 – $10 billion or so. I mean, it is getting bigger and worse in that regard because Mother Nature doesn’t measure whose emissions they are or where they come from. It’s the total emissions that have the impact, and the total emissions have gone up despite the fact that we have set ambitious targets to be able to bring them down. Now, that’s the worse sort of side I’ve shown, that the looming possibility of greater catastrophe is greater today. But – and there is a significant “but,” and it’s important, it’s critical to us – more is happening. Many more countries are at the table. Much more effort is being made to transition than at any time in human history. And oil companies, gas companies are now investing in renewables and talking about not being an oil and gas company but being an energy company. Now you have new technologies with maybe a trillion dollars of venture capitalists chasing those technologies. And we’re seeing great advances in battery storage and direct air carbon capture and green hydrogen, blue hydrogen. There’s so many – and fusion, even. I went out to California recently to learn what was happening, and I was struck by the scientists who for all my time in the United States Senate, almost 30 years, they would always say to you, “Well, fusion is 30 years away.” Every 10 years, “Thirty years away.” They don’t say that anymore. We’re going to have a fusion prototype reactor in about two years, three years, that’ll be working to see if we get proof of concept at a scale. And you’re seeing many other things happen that, to me, say to us: we can win this battle. When the IEA tells us if you do everything you said you’re going to do in Glasgow, you could get the Earth’s temperature down – we started at the possibility we were going to hit 2.5 degrees or 3.7 degrees. That’s where we began. And if all of a sudden we have pledges on the table that could keep it at 1.8, and that’s with only 65 percent, you bring the other percentages on board, we can go down to 1.6, whatever. That is enormous, if we get there. Now, obviously Ukraine has created a challenge with respect to the immediate ability of big economies like Germany and France, others, to be able to keep their economy moving. And because the gas is cut off, they’ve begrudgingly – not with great fervor, but they’ve said we’ve got to keep a few coal plants open in case; we have to keep a nuclear open in case. So some of their decisions are being adjusted, but they’re determined. Germany is now moving to 80 percent of all their power coming from renewables. That’s incredible. A powerful country like that with all of its industry. Ford Motor Company and General Motors and other companies around the world have spent hundreds of billions of dollars retooling their plants. Why? Because they’re going electric. And by 2035 that’s all we’re going to have in America, electric cars being manufactured – not on the road, but being sold and new cars. That’s President Biden’s goal. By 2035, he wants the power sector of America to be carbon-free. So if we accelerate these efforts, which is what technology and entrepreneurial activity help us to do, this is going to change even faster. And so that’s where I draw enormous hope and some optimism, because I believe we can still make this happen. But we have to make the right decisions and implement those decisions. President Biden’s passage of the Inflation Reduction Act, which will have significant tax credits and production tax credits, will direct industrial behavior. And by virtue of the money that goes through the Department of Energy that will go to our national laboratories, we will be pushing the curve of R&D and deployment more than at any time in our history. We’re looking at a transition that is as big, if not bigger – bigger, I would say bigger – than the Industrial Revolution. We’re going to change the way we provide energy. We’re going to change the way we move. We’re going to live cleaner, hopefully, and, believe me, safer because we don’t have to send young people off to defend our energy interests in some other part of the world when we make it right here at home. So I am excited about those possibilities and I think the private sector is going to have a profound impact on our ability to solve this problem. Why? Because no country in the world has enough money to effect this transition. You have to get trillions of dollars in play. That’s what the UN finance report says. Somewhere like two and a half to four and a half trillion dollars every year for the next 30 years. Where’s that coming from? Well, if we bring the private sector to the table, provide the right incentives, and do the right things, we can deploy trillions of dollars of investment in those new energy production facilities and the new transportation facilities and the rest will be history. So on the one hand, on the other – and we have to make the right choices. Thank you all very much. MR PRICE: Mr. Secretary, thank you very much. Hopefully we can have you back after COP. Appreciate it. I feel like I can pack up for the day. There are a couple of things we would like to get to, so we’ll spend a few minutes answering your questions. First, and importantly, the African Union’s announcement of the signing of a cessation of hostilities between the Government of Ethiopia and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front represents an important step towards peace. We applaud the parties for their commitment to peace and reaching this agreement. We commend the African Union Panel – former President Obasanjo, former President Kenyatta, and former Deputy President Mlambo-Ngcuka – on their extraordinary leadership and determined efforts to facilitate this peace process. We commend as well the work of the African Union: its Commission Chairperson Faki, South African President Ramaphosa, and Foreign Minister Pandor as hosts and international partners, including the United Nations and IGAD. The United States remains committed to supporting this African Union-led process and to partnering to advance peace in northern Ethiopia. And next and finally before we turn to your questions, today is the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists – a day in which we reaffirm our condemnation of crimes against journalists and promote accountability for those who attack press freedom. As all of you in this room know well, journalists are the bedrock of an independent and free press. Journalists provide the public with the chance to know the truth about ourselves, about our countries, about our governments, and often they do so when facing danger and adversity. Since 1992, over 1,500 journalists and media workers have been killed in pursuit of information, with most of these cases remaining judicially unresolved. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 294 journalists were languishing in jail for doing their work as of last December. Increasingly, journalists face threats and attacks online – where female journalists are disproportionately targeted. Per UNESCO survey, 73 percent of women journalists have been harassed online due to their work. The UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists was established 10 years ago to protect journalists through legislation, mechanisms, and guides aimed at creating a secure and just environment for media. Despite these efforts, the international community must continue to take a stand against physical attacks, against intimidation lawsuits, against transnational repression, and regulatory pressures that silence media – both online and offline. So please join us today in renewing that commitment to an open and free press around the world. We know that’s something you all in this room do each and every day. With that, happy to take your questions. Shaun. QUESTION: Let’s start with Ethiopia — MR PRICE: Sure. QUESTION: — just to follow up. MR PRICE: Sure. QUESTION: Just a couple aspects of that – the disarmament that these partners announced – the TPLF – how optimistic are you for that? Is there – in terms of the monitoring of that, how significant do you think that is? And also, looking at the deal, how optimistic are you for withdrawal of Eritrean forces? That’s always been something that’s been of concern to the United States. MR PRICE: So a couple things, Shaun. First, news of this agreement between the parties has just emerged in the past couple hours. This news is coming from the African Union. The United States has been engaged directly with the parties. Mike Hammer, our Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, has been a participant and an observer in these talks over the past several days in South Africa, but we’re going to let the African Union as the convener of these discussions speak to the details of it. But we’ve invested in this process. We invested in this process precisely because we saw it as an opportune venue, as an opportune mechanism that we thought, we hoped, to some degree we expected, and to a large degree we were validated in investing in that process because of the news that’s emanating from South Africa today. This, as in other diplomatic achievements the United States has supported, is not one where our role has been necessarily at the front, necessarily at the center. But our role has been consistent, our role has been constructive. We’ve made clear to the parties over the course of these talks in South Africa and before that, that we are there; we are there to support diplomacy. We are there because we know that diplomacy is the means by which this conflict has to be resolved. And today was an important step forward. Now, you raised a couple questions. They are questions that the parties themselves and the AU will be speaking to, but I think at the core of your question was a notion that today we had an announcement. What we will have to see is follow-through. And the United States will be there. We will be there to continue to working with the African Union. They will continue to lead this process, but we will continue to engage directly with the African Union, to engage with those in the region who are facilitating this dialogue, and to continue engaging with the parties themselves. QUESTION: Just one more — MR PRICE: Sure. QUESTION: — on the relationship with the Ethiopian Government. Obviously, there’s been some very strong criticism from this building toward Ethiopia, the suspension of the trade privileges as well. Could this be a reopening of a relationship with Ethiopia? Is that premature? How do you see that affecting the relationship with Addis Ababa? MR PRICE: These discussions have provided an opportunity for a number of things. In the first instance, they provided an opportunity which we hope to see realized of a cessation of hostilities. We’ve invested so heavily in this process because we believe it’s the most opportune and effective mechanism through which to achieve a cessation of hostilities, to help enable the delivery of much needed humanitarian assistance to the people of northern Ethiopia, to the people of Tigray. We hope and expect that will follow from today’s announcement. Attendant with the violence and the conflict that has raged in recent weeks, we’ve seen reports – continued reports of human rights abuses and atrocities. It’s our hope that what was announced today will see an end to those reports and ultimately the underlying abuses and atrocities that we’ve seen. So the agreement that is set today does set the stage for opportunity when it comes to the humanitarian plight of the people of northern Ethiopia, of the people of Tigray. It does present an opportunity – a bilateral opportunity for the United States and Ethiopia. Of course, we’ve made no secret about the concerns that we have had emanating and stemming from this conflict. And if today’s agreement is in fact able to set the stage for a durable cessation of hostilities, set the stage for an end to the human rights abuses and atrocities that we’ve noted, to set the stage for an end to provocations by the TPLF and the Ethiopian Government, that would be a very good thing. It would be a very good thing first and foremost for the people of Ethiopia, specifically the people of northern Ethiopia, but also for our bilateral relationship. Yes, Alex. QUESTION: Thanks so much. A couple of questions, but before that, one follow-up on the impunity day you started your statement with. There have been a couple of – a number of times calls on the administration to appoint a special representative on press freedom to address exactly the problems that you have been reading out. The numbers are really grim – 294 reporters. Is this something the administration has been entertaining? You have special representatives on corruption issues, on plenty of other issues, but not press freedom. MR PRICE: It’s – we are considering the means through which we can most effectively support the cause of press freedom, of freedom of information, and to hold to account those who are responsible for some of the crimes against journalists, the repression of journalists, in some cases the violence against journalists that in some cases have led to the loss of life and physical injury. There are offices in this building, including in our Bureau of Democracy, Rights, and Labor; our Under Secretary for Human Rights Uzra Zeya is – works very closely with USAID Administrator Power and her team on these issues as well. And ultimately, this is something that Secretary Blinken cares deeply about. He cares deeply about it because, first and foremost, he’s a secretary of the United States. It is the responsibility of the United States to speak out when the universal values that we cherish and we protect and we promote around the world come under threat, as they do with media freedom, when that itself comes under threat. But this is also something that Secretary Blinken has taken a personal interest in as someone who is a – as he likes to call it, a recovering journalist himself, someone who started his career in the profession and someone who maintains a deep affinity for reporters and journalists. It’s something that he feels very deeply and personally. QUESTION: Thanks so much. On Russia-Ukraine, if I may, Russia is back to the grain deal, but Putin today said he can leave it again. How to secure the deal moving forward so that this doesn’t happen again? And secondly, we can’t just pretend that last three days didn’t happen. It did already affect millions of people. The food prices have gone up. How to hold Russia accountable for the last three days as well so that it doesn’t repeat what it just did? MR PRICE: Well, first and foremost, we welcome the fact that through dint of efforts by the UN secretary-general, by our Turkish allies as well, that the Black Sea Grain Initiative will resume, it will resume with ships, according to the UN, transiting the Black Sea again later this week. This is something that we’ve spoken to the utility of it over the past couple days. It is our hope – and I guess the saying is true that you don’t fully recognize the value of something until it’s at risk or gone, and perhaps the world over the past couple of days has taken note even more so of the value, of the importance, of the indispensability – and I don’t think that is overstating it, the indispensability – of this particular mechanism. It is responsible for some 420 vessels setting sail from Ukrainian Black Sea ports since it went into effect on August 1st. It’s responsible for 9.8 million – nearly 10 million – metric tons of grain, the vast majority of which, two-thirds, has gone to the developing world; nearly one-fifth of that and nearly one-fifth of it has gone to the world’s least developed countries. So if this has caused the world to recognize the value of this initiative, perhaps that is, although unintended, a welcome side effect of what is happening. But what is most important to us is that this deal gets back on track. Of course, the Russians are speaking to resuming the deal this week. We also know that the deal comes up for renewal later this month. Even before the statements that emanated from Russia this weekend, we were focused on efforts to renew this grain deal. This is not something that quite literally the world can live without. In the short period where this grain deal has been in doubt over the past couple days, we’ve seen grain prices rise; we’ve seen shippers and insurers question – call into question the viability of their operations in this region. It’s our goal to see to it that there is predictability, that there is stability in this marketplace, and by setting this initiative back on track, by working and supporting the Turks and the UN and the other parties to see that this initiative is not only set back in motion but it’s renewed later this month, that will ultimately inject even more predictability and stability into this marketplace, and most importantly, apply downward pressure to food prices. Michel. QUESTION: Ned, on Egypt, do you have any comment on the death of Alaa al-Salami in Egypt prison after starting a hunger strike to protest the conditions of his detention? And any reaction to the hunger strike that Alaa Abd el-Fattah has started today, I think? MR PRICE: So we are closely following the case of Alaa Abd el-Fattah. We’ve followed it throughout his pretrial detention, his conviction, and his subsequent and current incarceration. We’ve raised repeated concerns about this case and his conditions in detention with the Government of Egypt. We have made very clear at the highest levels, including at the very highest levels, to the Egyptian Government that progress on protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, that will buoy – it will bolster, it will reinforce, ultimately will strengthen our bilateral relationship with Egypt. These are conversations that have been ongoing since the earliest days of this administration, and they will continue in the coming days. QUESTION: Will the President and the Secretary raise this issue with Egyptian authorities when they visit Egypt? MR PRICE: We’ll have more to say on the visit as it approaches. I will just say as a general matter that in virtually every senior engagement we have had with our Egyptian counterparts, we have raised human rights in a prominent way. The Secretary did so when he first met with President Sisi last May, as I recall. There was a long, productive discussion with the president and his team and certainly human rights was on our agenda with the president then. Yes, Joseph. QUESTION: Turning to the Israeli elections, with Netanyahu poised to win a majority, previously he campaigned to quote/ unquote “neutralize” the Lebanon-Israel maritime border deal, which the U.S. brokered and worked for over ten years to reach. Today Lebanon’s caretaker prime minister said the U.S. as a sponsor of the deal had given some guarantees that regardless of what happens in the Israeli elections, this deal would stay – stay put. What’s your comment, what’s your reaction? What guarantees did the – did the U.S. give any guarantees that regardless of what happens this deal would stay put? And just second on that, are you guys prepared to release a statement as soon after as the elections – the election results are announced as you are with the Brazilian elections? Because that was very rapid. MR PRICE: Well, I understand – in fact I know – that Ambassador Nides in Jerusalem has already released a statement. Election processes are different in every country. Of course, in Brazil, the process there allowed the results to be tallied and fully certified, and of course it’s not a parliamentary system, so it’s quite different. I would be reluctant to compare any two countries, but as you’ve heard from Ambassador Nides, as you’ve heard from us today, we were pleased to see such strong voter turnout for the Knesset election. It’s too early to speculate on the exact composition of the next governing coalition until all the votes are counted. I think that also applies to specific issues about which the next Government of Israel may be in a position to make decisions. But we look forward to working with the Israeli Government on our interests and values. There are many of them. QUESTION: Did you — QUESTION: Yes, could I just — QUESTION: Sorry, just a follow-up. And did you guys provide any guarantees that regardless of what happens that this deal – the U.S.-sponsored maritime deal would stay in place? MR PRICE: Ultimately, the United States was the facilitator of this deal. This goes back to the comment I made in the context of Ethiopia. Our role was to support the parties. The parties over the course of more than a decade had sought to come to an agreement on their maritime border not because it was in the interest of the United States or just in the interest of Israel or just in the interest of Lebanon, but because it was jointly in the interests of Lebanon – excuse me – jointly in the interests of Israel and Lebanon for them to do so. And because it was in the interests of both countries, it was in the profound interest of the United States. We seek to see a more stable, a more integrated region, and this maritime border – the agreement regarding it – helps to advance that. The United States is going to stay closely engaged with the parties, not only as a facilitator of this original agreement, but because we are close partners to both Israel and Lebanon. We’ve heard from the current governments in both Israel and Lebanon that this is profoundly in their interests. It’s in their economic interests in the first instance, but beyond that it is in their security interests as well. Scarce resources, we know from history, have the potential to create tensions and potentially to escalate tensions into in some cases the brink of conflict. We want to see those tensions de-escalated. The implementation of this maritime border agreement helps to do that, and we will do everything that we can to see to it that Israel and Lebanon both gain from this deal, as they stand to do. QUESTION: Just quickly, can you confirm – can you confirm or deny earlier reporting citing U.S. officials as messaging that they may or may not communicate or work with certain Israeli officials that may be appointed or nominated in — MR PRICE: Look, it is – as I said before, it is far too early to speculate on the exact compensation of the next governing coalition. This is something that will play out in Israel, in Israel’s own political system over the coming days. What I would say is that what makes this relationship so strong and what has made it so strong since Israel’s independence to the present day is that this is a relationship that has always been based on our shared interests, but importantly our shared values. And we hope that all Israeli Government officials will continue to share the values of an open, democratic society, including tolerance and respect for all in civil society, particularly for minority groups. We have certain interests and values of ours. You’ve heard us speak to the commitment we have to a future two-state solution and to equal measures of security, freedom, justice, and prosperity for Israel – for Israelis and for Palestinians. Said. QUESTION: Could I just follow up on that? I know you said you obviously are not concerned about the makeup of the Israeli Government, but you’re not concerned that this may be the most right-wing government in Israel’s history? You’re not the least bit concerned about that? MR PRICE: Said, what I said is it’s too early to speculate. We are just not going to speculate on a government that hasn’t emerged yet. This is a process that will play out within Israel. We will see as the government emerges over the coming days. But regardless, we have a close and enduring relationship with Israel. It’s a relationship, as I said before, that’s based on those shared interests and those shared values, and certainly that will continue. QUESTION: Yeah, but it seems that Mr. Netanyahu depended on Itamar Ben-Gvir to push him over the edge and win this election as it appears to. You are not concerned that this person has called for the killing of Palestinians, killing the stone-throwers, saying all kinds of, I mean, outrageous things? Will you be dealing with him? I mean, he is slated probably to become the minister of police, for instance. Would you be dealing with him just like any other member of the Israeli Government? If that happens, if he becomes the minister, will you deal with him exactly as you would deal with other ministers? MR PRICE: Said, you know across the board we just don’t engage in hypotheticals. You’ll also note that I haven’t spoken of any particular individuals. And I haven’t done that because it’s too early to speculate, as I’ve said before, on the future composition of the government that emerges from this process. This process is just underway. This is a process that will likely play out over the coming days. But we’re just not going to speculate on how it might end. QUESTION: Yeah, let me just – a couple more if you’ll allow me. I know you began by talking about this is freedom press day or protection of the journalists and so on. Well, as we speak, there are more than a dozen Palestinians in Israeli prisons for doing their job. I mean, I’ve raised this issue many times, but nothing seems to happen. The Israelis are not in any way influenced by what you’re saying and others are saying about the treatment of Palestinian journalists. We have not seen sort of ironclad results on the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh. Last month, five journalists were injured in covering Hebron and so on. So I want your comment on this. MR PRICE: Said, you’ll notice that in the opening statement I gave we didn’t refer to any particular countries when we talked about media freedom, and that was intentional because media freedom is not the responsibility of any single country. There is no country – there is no single country that is creating offenses when it comes to media freedom. There’s no country with a perfect record. And it is not the responsibility of only one country to advocate for media freedom. QUESTION: You have a lot of moral weight. You carry a lot of weight. MR PRICE: This is a – this is a universal right. It is something that should be universally applied regardless of the region, regardless of the country. QUESTION: But you claim the mantle. The United States of America claims the mantle of defending journalists and press freedom and so on. And you are also the premier supporter of the state of Israel. MR PRICE: And that’s precisely why we started out today giving our support for media freedom around the world, by reaffirming that today. It’s something that we do on World Press Freedom Day in May of every year as well. Look, it’s difficult for me to speak to – to offer categorical assessments, but when we have concerns about press freedom in any particular country, I can guarantee you – and in fact you know from our own public statements – that we don’t hesitate to speak out. That is true in countries around the world. Yes. QUESTION: More on the grain deal, Ned. Over the course of last three days, you have been very candid in talking about the suspension of the deal, and you called on Russia of course to resume it and then you called it that Russian suspension of this deal is actually a collective punishment to the world. And today the Turkish President Erdoğan called Putin and convinced him to resume the deal, and he succeeded. Don’t you think that he needs some credit here and possibly some thanks from the podium that he convinced President Putin in that to resume the deal? MR PRICE: Absolutely, and I think I said in my comments just a moment ago that we’re deeply appreciative of the efforts of our Turkish allies. In fact I did say that. Deeply appreciative of the efforts of our Turkish allies and the UN secretary-general. This was an initiative that in the first instance Secretary-General Guterres helped put together, but it came together initially with the critical support of Turkey, of Ukraine, ultimately Russia agreed to it as well. We are grateful and appreciative, similarly, of the efforts on the part of the secretary‑general and Turkey to get this deal back on track. Simon. QUESTION: Just a follow-up on Shaun’s questions on Ethiopia. You mentioned in one of your answers this presents a bilateral opportunity for the U.S. and Ethiopia. I wondered specifically, one thing the Ethiopian Government would like is to get back into the AGOA duty‑free trade terms. Is that something that could be considered now that there’s a, as they’ve said, a permanent cessation of hostilities? MR PRICE: So Simon, as we said last year, I believe it was, this was not a step that we took lightly. It certainly was not a step that we wanted to take. It was a step that we were obligated to take. As you know, the restrictions – and the requirements, I should say – of AGOA are spelled out in the law. They’re statutorily defined. We apply the facts on the ground to those statutory requirements for eligibility for AGOA. We detailed at the time exactly how Ethiopia had fallen short of those statutory requirements. It is certainly our hope that the Ethiopian Government will be in a position to take steps that will allow it to once again be eligible for AGOA. It would be a good thing for the United States, but even more so it would be a good thing for the people and the Government of Ethiopia. QUESTION: Is that something that you’ve communicated to Ethiopians – if you’re able to come to agreement in this way, that’s going to hold you in good stead on the – specifically tying that to the AGOA? MR PRICE: This has always been a negotiation between the Ethiopian Government and the TPLF that’s been facilitated by the AU. The Ethiopian Government engaged in this, in these discussions based on their own interests to pursue peace, to pursue stability in northern Ethiopia. Last year we were very clear when we made the announcement of Ethiopia’s ultimate removal from the AGOA program, about why we were taking that step and the steps they would need to take. If that discussion featured into the Government of Ethiopia’s thinking, I would need to refer you to them. But ultimately, these are decisions, sovereign decisions that the Ethiopian Government has made in the context of what has transpired recently in South Africa. Yes. QUESTION: Thank you. The special inspector general for Afghanistan reconstruction – or SIGAR – has sent a letter to the lawmakers and said that the State Department and also USAID are not cooperating properly with them regarding Afghanistan, what happened in the one last year in Afghanistan, and particularly about $1.1 billion that the United States sent to Afghanistan. Would you like to comment on that? MR PRICE: I would. This is something we’ve spoken to in recent weeks. And I apologize in advance, there’s some detail to it. But our position is that, except for certain specific funds, SIGAR’s statutory mandate is limited to funds available for, quote, “the reconstruction of Afghanistan.” Since the Taliban takeover in August of last year, we have stopped providing assistance for the purpose of reconstruction and we now focus on alleviating the immediate humanitarian situation in the country. SIGAR itself has actually acknowledged that reconstruction programming is different from humanitarian aid, has acknowledged there is a distinction there, yet SIGAR’s current work does not appear to fall under its statutory mandate to oversee the funds for, quote, “the reconstruction of Afghanistan.” As I said before, we stopped providing assistance for that specific purpose, namely the reconstruction of Afghanistan, following the Taliban takeover and 2021. Nevertheless, the department and USAID as well, we have provided SIGAR written responses to dozens of questions, as well as thousands of pages of responsive documents, analyses, and spreadsheets describing dozens of programs that were part of the U.S. Government’s reconstruction effort in Afghanistan. We are in regular – we are regularly and frequently working with SIGAR within the scope of that statutory mandate. And as part of the 2022 budget process, SIGAR expressly sought an expansion of its statutory mandate from reconstruction to, quote, “reconstruction, humanitarian, and other development assistance for Afghanistan.” But that that expansion in mandate has not been enacted into law, and as such, activities involved – involving humanitarian and development assistance remain outside of SIGAR’s current mandate. In addition, the State Department and USAID, we continue to cooperate with oversight bodies, including congressional committees and both agencies’ inspectors general, that have jurisdiction over aid. And we are, as you alluded to, currently providing Afghanistan, including the $1.1 billion in humanitarian aid that has been provided since August of 2021. Yes. QUESTION: And the request — QUESTION: Thank you. I have a question about the news that came today from the UK. Rishi Sunak made a U-turn and he announced that he’s going to attend COP27 after all. Does the United States welcome Sunak’s decision? And if you can tell us a little bit more about the U.S.-UK areas of cooperation when it comes to energy security and investment in renewables, as it seems that this is the priority for the new prime minister. As he said today, there is no energy security without investing in renewables ahead of the summit. MR PRICE: Well, our British allies have always intended to be robustly engaged in the upcoming COP27. We certainly welcome the fact that the prime minister will be attending. I – without speaking for the President, I imagine that the President will look forward to seeing the prime minister there. Climate cooperation, climate ambition, climate adaptation is a priority in every single one of our bilateral relationships. And of course there is no closer bilateral relationship we have than with our British allies, so of course it stands to reason that we do cooperate very closely, both on climate with our British allies, but also on energy independence. And we have discussed at length the steps that we’re taking with the UK and with our European allies regarding efforts to see to it that all of our countries, the United States and the UK included, grow more resilient to potential energy shocks and ultimately grow more energy independent. This is exactly the point that Secretary Kerry was making a moment ago. The instability owing to President Putin’s unjustified, illegal war against Ukraine has served as a powerful reminder the world over – in Europe, in North America, across the world – of the need to transition away from fossil fuels but certainly the need to transition away from dependence on foreign countries that don’t share our interests. We’ve been reminded of this even recently with some of the weaponization of energy that we’ve seen from Russia. Europe has borne much of the brunt of this. It’s why we focused many of our activities, both over the near term and over the longer term, on working with Europe to insulate against potential energy shocks over the nearer term. We’ve worked with partners around the world, including in the Indo‑Pacific – Japan, for example – to surge supplies of LNG to Europe to help with capacity and with the needs over the coming months during the winter. We’ve taken steps here in our own country to increase exports of LNG to Europe. We’ve taken steps here to increase domestic energy production as well, and we’re exporting more than we have before. And that’s in addition to our – the President’s decision to tap into the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to release 180 million barrels of petroleum for those same purposes as well. Over the longer term, we’re also looking at this not in terms of weeks and months, but also years. And in the case of Europe, President Biden and President von der Leyen in June of this past year established the U.S.‑EU Energy Task Force to focus on how we can align our policies, how we can align our respective approaches so that together we’re taking steps that will, in the coming years, leave us far less vulnerable to the potential weaponization of energy, and how ultimately we can become far more independent from foreign sources of energy. Yes, Dylan. QUESTION: Yeah, so staying on top of energy but looking at China, given that China has produced a record amount of coal this year and upped their production, President Xi only mentioned climate change one time in all 72 pages of his report to the CCCP – CCP Congress a couple weeks ago. Can you go into COP – you and Secretary Kerry and future discussions like it – with confidence that your strategy with China and energy and climate change is actually working, prioritizing climate issues and trying to treat them as a partner on the issue? MR PRICE: Well, Secretary Kerry just addressed this a couple moments ago, but I would echo what he said. We have no choice but to find ways to cooperate with the PRC when it comes to China – excuse me – when it comes to climate. We’ve demonstrated our ability to do so in the past, and in fact it was about a year ago at the previous COP where Secretary Kerry and his PRC counterpart announced a joint agreement that helped us make tremendous headway towards our ultimate climate goals. The decision by the PRC over the summer to suspend cooperation on climate for that reason was deeply regrettable. It was not only – it was deeply regrettable not only because of what it represents to the bilateral relationship, one of those areas of shared mutual interest, but it was even more regrettable because of the collective toll that it would take on the international community, on the globe. It is our belief, and at one point we heard the same thing from the PRC as well, that the United States and China, as the world’s largest emitters, have to find ways to cooperate when it comes to climate, to cooperate when it comes to limiting emissions, if we are to stay within that goal of limiting temperature rise to no more than 1.5 degrees Celsius. QUESTION: Yeah, quick follow-up. So you said you have no choice, so those in Congress or elsewhere that would wish for you to take a more hawkish approach, you think that’s just not a viable plan at all. There’s no other viable route other than the one that you’re currently taking? You have no other choice? MR PRICE: I have a hard time conjuring what a hawkish approach to cooperation with the PRC on climate would look like. This is an area that is manifestly in our interest. It is manifestly in the interest of the PRC. We have demonstrated time and again, including in recent months, the ability of our countries – despite massive disagreements, and in some ways that may understate it – but despite massive disagreements, to work together when it comes to climate. And we’ve been able to work together on this particular issue precisely because not only is it in our interest, not only is it in the PRC’s interest, it’s in our shared interests and it’s in the interest of the global community. Yeah, Ian. QUESTION:  Can I ask on North Korea? MR PRICE:  Sure. QUESTION:  There was obviously an unprecedented barrage of missiles overnight. I’m just wondering what sort of leeway, what sort of leverage America has in terms of going forward with North Korea, whether there’s any possibility of a slight change in U.S. policy, whether there’s a chance this might come up at the G20 meetings in Asia this month. Just wondering what more the U.S. can do given, obviously, North Korea’s escalating what it’s doing in response to U.S. drills in the region. MR PRICE:  So let me start by saying that – and you’ve heard this from us before – but we condemn the DPRK’s ballistic missile launches and its reckless decision to fire a missile before the de facto maritime boundary with the Republic of Korea. These launches were in violation of multiple UN Security Council resolutions unanimously adopted by the council, and they threaten peace and stability in the region. We continue to seek serious and sustained dialogue with the DPRK. But as we’ve made no secret of, the DPRK has refused to engage. Our commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea and Japan, it remains absolutely ironclad. And we’ll continue to work closely with our – with our allies and partners to limit the North’s ability to advance its unlawful weapons program, to threaten regional stability. Shortly after news of these launches broke last night, Secretary Blinken spoke to his South Korean counterpart. The call took place very late last night Eastern time. They – the two ministers jointly condemned and expressed deep concern about the DPRK’s escalatory launches, including one that, as I mentioned before, recklessly and dangerously landed near the ROK coastline. The Secretary took advantage of that conversation to reaffirm for his counterpart, Foreign Minister Park, the ironclad commitment to the ROK’s security and its safety. And he stressed the need for the international community to unite in holding the DPRK accountable for its continued provocations. To that point, the Secretary, we expect, will have an opportunity to travel to the region later this month. As you know, the President is attending the summits later this month. The Secretary will accompany him and will have an opportunity to discuss the North’s – the threat that the DPRK poses, the instability and – the instability it’s engendering with the region. We’ll continue to be in close contact with our ROK allies, with our Japanese allies as well. We’ll do that bilaterally, but I think you’ll also be able to see that – see us continue doing that trilaterally as well. Yes, Shannon. QUESTION:  So also on North Korea, the declassified intelligence today indicating that Pyongyang is supplying Russia with artillery covertly has prompted some criticism that the U.S. isn’t doing what it could be doing to enforce already existing sanctions. How do you respond to that? And in this instance, will the U.S. do anything to try to intercept or otherwise halt those shipments that ultimately are going to Russia and to Ukraine on the – to be used in Ukraine on the battlefield? MR PRICE:  So you did hear from us earlier today that we have information that, despite the public denials that we’ve heard from the DPRK, that the DPRK is covertly supplying Russia’s war in Ukraine with a significant number of artillery shells, of – while obfuscating the real destination of these arms shipments by trying to make it appear as though they’re being sent to countries in the Middle East or North Africa. We’ve talked about the necessity on the part of the Russian Federation to go beyond its indigenously produced materials it supplies for its brutal assault on Ukraine. We’ve talked about this in the context of Iranian UAVs. We’ve talked about this in the context of the possibility of ballistic missiles that Russia may also seek from Iran. And now we’ve talked about this in more concrete terms when it comes to Russia’s pursuit of artillery from the DPRK and the DPRK’s efforts to obfuscate the flow of those weapons from the DPRK to the battlefield – what the Russians are treating as a battlefield – in Ukraine. Just as we’re using every tool and will use every tool to counter what – the Iranian provision of weapons to Russia, we will do the same when it comes to the DPRK’s provisions of weapons to Russia. There are existing sanctions on the books. We will look at additional tools and authorities that we may be able to call upon to counter this activity. We believe it’s incumbent upon countries around the world, certainly those countries that have leverage with the regime in the DPRK that, in some cases, the United States does not. It’s incumbent upon all responsible countries, certainly on permanent members of the UN Security Council, to fully effect the sanctions that the Security Council itself has unanimously put forward. We’ll continue to look at ways to hold the DPRK accountable, not only for its WMD and ballistic missile program but for any continued provision of weapons to Russia as well. Yes. QUESTION:  Follow-up – so since North Korea has rejected, in September – they’re – so they are now actually supplying Russia with ammunition. Will you be able to share more information? Like, what kind of evidence do you have to show countries like China, to convince China to do more? MR PRICE: We, throughout the course of Russia’s war, have always sought to be as transparent as we can, consistent with the need to protect sources and methods. There have been instances where we have declassified information – in this case, to cite one example, the warning we gave in July that Iran intended to provide Russia with UAV technology. Despite Iranian denials at the time and more recently, the evidence is piling up that Iran has in fact provided Russia with these UAVs and that these UAVs are, in fact, inflicting great damage on the people of Ukraine. Oftentimes there is more information that we can share in private, that we can share in public. I can tell you that we are engaging countries around the world on our concerns regarding the provision by third countries of weapons and supplies to Russia for use in Ukraine. Those are conversations that have been ongoing, and of course if we have additional information that we can share publicly, we won’t hesitate to do that, because we know the value that placing a spotlight on this activity tends to have. QUESTION: (Off-mike.) MR PRICE: I’ve already called on you. Yes, in the back. Yeah. QUESTION: Thank you so much. To follow up on North Korea, yesterday you talked about the potential North Korea’s provocations in the coming days and weeks, and then they fired ballistic missiles. And today do you still expect further potential provocations from North Korea in the coming days and weeks, including additional missile launches and nuclear test? MR PRICE: Our concerns about the potential for additional provocations have not abated. We have been concerned for some time now, as we seem to be in a period of DPRK provocation. This is a period that has gone on for a number of months now. We’ve seen an unprecedented number of ballistic missile launches. The launches that we saw over the past 12 hours, unfortunately, were also – also seem to be record-setting in terms of the number associated with them. It remains the case that we are concerned about the potential for further provocations, including and up to a seventh nuclear test. We have spoken publicly of this for some time now, primarily to make clear to the DPRK that should it go forward with a seventh nuclear test, there would be additional costs and consequences. It would earn the condemnation of the world. This is a conversation similar to what I said just a moment ago, that we have had not only in public but we’ve been discussing this in private as well: sharing information, and coordinating with our allies and partners regarding a potential response to what would be a dangerous, reckless, and destabilizing act if the DPRK were to go forward with a seventh nuclear test. Yes. QUESTION: Do you have any updates on today’s Security Council, the Arria formulated meeting on Iran and the ongoing protests, the oppression? And also, how firm is the United States willing to stand to kick out the Islamic Republic out of the women’s rights commission? MR PRICE: Sorry, what was the last part of the question? QUESTION: How firm United States is going to stand to kick out Islamic Republic of Iran out of women’s rights commission, the UN women’s rights commission? MR PRICE: You – and I hesitate to go too far into this, because I understand that Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield has delivered remarks or is delivering remarks in the course of this Arria formula meeting. But you also heard this from the Vice President earlier today. We have in recent weeks called it contemptible that Iran sits on this particular commission. It is, of course, a glaring irony that a country that systematically suppresses the rights of women and girls sits on a commission whose mandate is to protect and ultimately to expand the rights of women and girls. It is no wonder that women and girls have been at the forefront of this movement in Iran. They have been the ones in the streets leading these demonstrations, and far too often they have been the ones who have been caught in the crossfire, or who have fallen victim to the brutal repression that we’ve seen from the Iranian regime in recent weeks. We are – we announced our intention today to work with partners to remove Iran from this commission for that very reason. This is a discussion that we’ll be having with our allies and partners going forward, to determine how best we can do that. But we are committed to doing everything we can to see to it that a country like Iran with a record like Iran’s when it comes to the rights of women and girls, that they are not in a position to sit on a committee that – with their own record. Yes. QUESTION: Can I follow up on Iran? QUESTION: And also, excuse me, do you have more information on the imminent threat from the Islamic Republic against Saudi Arabia and Erbil we heard yesterday? MR PRICE: I’m not in a position to go beyond what we said yesterday. We said yesterday that we were concerned about the threat picture. We remain, as we were yesterday, in close contact with the Saudis through military, diplomatic, intelligence channels as well. The message we have sent both in this context and consistently over the course of this administration is that we will not hesitate to act in defense of our interests and our partners in the region. I’ll take a final question or so. Yes. QUESTION: The Colombian president held yesterday this meeting in Caracas with Nicolas Maduro. They discussed the re-entry of Venezuela to the inter-American human rights system. What’s your position? You have any comment on that? MR PRICE: The Maduro regime’s policies – and this is evidenced around the world – but they have generated poor economic, political, human rights conditions in Venezuela. We of course respect the sovereign rights of governments to chart their own foreign policy. We also call on democratic governments to uphold the democratic norms that have been broken by authoritarian regimes like Maduro’s in Venezuela. It is our goal to support the democratic aspirations of the people of Venezuela who have been, again, systematically denied of those rights by the Maduro regime. We believe that a return to Mexico City, a return to the negotiating table where the regime and the Unitary Platform would be in a position to make progress on what is ultimately the aspirations of the Venezuelan people to see those rights enshrined, to see those rights protected, and to see those rights restored. That’s what we continue – would continue to like to see happen. Until then, our sanctions policies will remain, and we have been very deliberate in promoting accountability for the rights abuses that are taking place and that have taken place in Venezuela. And our posture won’t change until and unless we see progress on the rights of the Venezuelan people. QUESTION: But do you have any message to the president of Colombia that he had this meeting with Maduro? MR PRICE: We’ve urged Colombia to continue working with its partners in multilateral fora, to advocate for a democratic and prosperous hemisphere as well, and to hold accountable governments that have violated the democratic rights and the democratic norms, including those norms that are enshrined in the Inter-American Charter. We had an opportunity to meet with President Petro and his team just a few short weeks ago now. Of course, Venezuela was top on the agenda. We thanked Colombia for the important role that they’re playing when it comes to hosting some 2 million Venezuelan refugees, and we discussed ways we can work together with Colombia to hold the Maduro regime to account. Yes, take a final question. Yes. QUESTION: One on Iran, two – a short question. North Korea, sorry. Tomorrow, United States and South Korea will hold a security consultative meeting in Pentagon to discuss bilateral defense cooperation. It is the issue of Defense Department, but I’m wondering if you are seeing any specific meaning to have such a dialogue under this tension from North Korea? MR PRICE: Sorry, whether it – what was the question? QUESTION: Any specific meaning to hold such a dialogue under this tension? MR PRICE: Well, we’ve regularly engaged with our South Korean counterparts, with our counterparts in the ROK. And in fact, Secretary Blinken just had an opportunity to do that last night; I expect we’ll have an opportunity to do that in the coming days and weeks as well. We’ll do that not only bilaterally, but we’ll continue to place an emphasis on trilateral cooperation with our South Korean and Japanese allies together, because we recognize the importance of a trilateral approach to the core challenge of the DPRK’s WMD and ballistic missile program. So the meeting you’ve referred to and the series of engagements we’ve had in recent days and weeks really points to the emphasis we’ve placed on close coordination, close cooperation with our allies to make clear that our security commitment to them is sacrosanct, our defense commitments to them are sacrosanct, and to also send a very clear message to the DPRK as well. One final question, yes. QUESTION: Thank you, Ned. As we are celebrating international day on – to end impunity for press – crime against journalists, the Bangladesh Government circulated at least 20 – made at least 22 journalists, those who are exercising free journalism or free speech from outside the country, and to take action on the 22 journalists. What is your comment on that, as Bangladesh – nobody can criticize prime minister under the DSA, Digital Security Act, and that act gives arbitrary powers to law enforcers’ agency to conduct search and arrest without any warrant. So what is your comment? MR PRICE: We’ve previously expressed our concern for the narrowing political space in Bangladesh, for the closing civic space in Bangladesh. The point I made to Said earlier applies around the world, including in Bangladesh, that media freedom, freedom of the press, freedom of information, freedom of expression – these are all universal rights. And they are universal in the sense that they’re not unique to any one country. They apply to people anywhere and everywhere. It is the policy of the United States to uphold and to defend these rights anywhere and everywhere. We do that through public statements, but when we have concerns, we also express those privately as well. QUESTION: Very quick, on Bangladesh, one more. As thousands of people of Bangladesh gather in the various part of the world that they are demanding voting rights under a neutral caretaker government, but government is creating obstruction in many ways. But recently they declared an arrest warrant of one of the top leader of the opposition, Mr. Tarique Rahman, and his wife. She’s just a doctor, physical doctor. He’s – she’s not involved in politics. They’re exiled in the UK. So they are filing one after another case to control the people’s voice, so what is your comment for this freedom of expression and the demanding the voting rights in Bangladesh? MR PRICE: I’m not in a position to comment on specific arrest warrants or specific steps, but the point I made before – the importance of ensuring that there is room for robust dialogue, for robust debate, for civic engagement and civic debate, that of course is important around the world, it’s important in Bangladesh, and when we see indications that that space, that opportunity is closing, we don’t hesitate to make our concerns known. Thank you very much. QUESTION: Thank you. (The briefing was concluded at 3:26 p.m.) # # #

新闻简报室 [摘译] 国务卿蓬佩奥： * * * *  今天我先开始谈谈中国共产党。 北京与所有未经选举的共产主义政权毫无二致，历来都害怕本国人民的自由思想，甚于任何外部敌人。 这个星期中国共产党关押了许章润，因为他批评总书记习近平采取高压政权以及中国共产党对COVID-19冠状病毒的疫情处理不当。我们对此感到严重不安。他应该被释放。他仅仅道出了真相。他应该尽快被释放。 我将重复几个月来我一直谈论的话题：中国共产党有严重的诚信问题。他们未向全世界通报有关这种病毒的真实情况。现在，全世界各地有数十万人因此丧生。我们需要真相；我们仍然需要真相。我们需要开诚布公。我们需要认真地与世界各地的科学家取得联系。现在他们说，他们可以允许世界卫生组织（WHO）进入。这很好，但是世界卫生组织需要自由地进行本身从事的实际工作。我们需要保证有适当的人员在那里从事这种调查工作。我们需要千真万确的答案，不需要敷衍了事的政治解决方案。这关系到科学，不需要政治。中国共产党必须向全世界和盘托出有关这种病毒的情况。 几个月来，北京声称曾向世界卫生组织通报这种病毒爆发的情况。现在我们都知道，这同样不是真话。我们知道世界卫生组织驻中国办事处仅在获悉武汉市卫生健康委员会发布的媒体声明后才通报了疫情。 再者，北京声称新疆的拘押营是职业培训设施。现在，新发表的有关强迫堕胎和节制生育的报道进一步提供了与之相反的证据。 另外，北京曾说会给香港人民50年的“高度自治”。但诸位都看见，仅仅23年后出现了什么情况——只是对香港人民和全世界的空头许诺。 我很赞赏谷歌（Google）、脸书（Facebook）和推特（Twitter）拒绝向香港政府交出用户数据——其他公司也应该像他们一样采取同样的做法。 同样很感谢我们的加拿大朋友。加拿大始终以强硬的立场对待北京的镇压行动。我们认为，这是全世界都需要采取的正确态度。 我们同样很高兴地看到，现在英国就华为技术进入他们的系统对英国人民造成的危险进行了积极的辩论。正如联邦调查局（FBI）局长雷（Wray）昨天所说的，华为是“盗窃知识产权的惯犯，一贯采取无视法治和受害者权益的行为”。 我向诸位推荐雷局长昨天发表的全篇讲话。值得一读。司法部长巴尔（Barr）预定今后几天发表系列讲话。然后我会发表第4个系列讲话。 我还希望诸位阅读一下由副国务卿基斯·克拉奇（Keith Krach）起草的一封信，对象是首席执行长、董事会、行业团体、工商投资公司等，提醒他们注意中国共产党在新疆使用奴隶劳动的问题，并且为他们提供一系列管理建议，了解应该如何保证他们不会成为这种恶劣行为的帮凶。 关于中国的最后一点：最近中国共产党在全球环境基金（Global Environment Facility）的一次会议上提出与不丹的边界纠纷问题。 从喜马拉雅山山脉（Himalayas）、越南的专属区（Exclusive Zone）水域到尖阁列岛（Senkaku Islands）等地，北京一再挑起领土争端。全世界不应该允许出现这种霸道行为，也不应该允许这种行为继续下去。 * * * * 问：……。 你昨天说，本届政府正在考虑禁止抖音（TikTok）。我想知道这项考虑有多确实。印度几乎不加多少思索在一夜之间就禁止了它。我们可以期待禁令多快生效？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：那么在与欧盟会谈方面，我们确实对考虑如何去做取得了一些进展。因此这不太可能是一种时开时停的做法——也就是说，我们会努力设置一些程序和规程，保护美国公民这里不出现传播。这是一个全球挑战，我们也希望确保欧洲公民不会因来自西边的旅行而受到不利影响。许多人不是仅来自美国，而是经由美国前往欧洲，所以我们必须处理与此相关的各种复杂情况。 我们取得了一些切实进展，技术性进展，现在我们需要得出一个结果。然后将会有一个系统，一个监视和衡量系统，以确保我们正确地把握时间，正确地启动转换开关。大西洋两岸都希望重新开放。双方都知道我们的经济有赖于它，有赖于深厚的重要关系，跨大西洋关系事关重要。这两方西方民主体有许多需要共同从事的有益工作，将那些旅行交接点重新连接起来是件重要的事。 谈到抖音，我想将它放到一个更广的范围来谈。我们一直在进行不断评估，以便确保美国公民的隐私和信息在传输时得到保护，因此，这不是仅仅关系到任何某一个商家公司，而是关系到美国的国家安全，我们在努力予以正确处理。我在本周早些时候对某个具体公司的评论，属于我们评估中国共产党的威胁的范畴。我们在谈到中兴的时候谈到这点，我们在谈到华为的时候谈到这点，我们现在正在评估每一个我们认为涉及美国公民手机或系统或医疗档案中的信息的情况——我们要确保不让中国共产党有可能轻易得到那些信息。 因此，你们将看到本届政府所做的是，采取行动维护和保护那些信息，不让中国共产党得到属于美国人的私人信息。我们有一个——这是一个大项目，因为我们在全世界都有合作伙伴，那些地方的基础设施与中国技术交错，而后来到美国，因此应该把这看成是一个有确实规模和确实重要性的项目。我们必须做好。未来百年的基础设施必须是一个基于西方私有财产理念和以透明方式保护公民个人信息的通讯基础设施。这不是中国共产党的软件和硬件公司使用的模式。 * * * * 问：谢谢你，国务卿。跟进一下你有关北京煽动边界争端的模式的讲话，你知道同——对印度发生的情况，中国的挑衅，在列城（Leh），在拉达克（Ladakh）针对印度的行为。目前对印度和中国之间的局势的评估是什么？ 国务卿蓬佩奥：我已同外交部长苏杰生（Jaishankar）就此进行了数次交谈。中方采取了令人难以置信的挑衅行为。印度方面尽了最大努力予以应对。我会将此放在习近平总书记及其在整个地区、乃至全世界的行为的背景之下。它是——我认为不可能孤立地看待中国共产党的那一具体的挑衅事例。我认为你们应当将其置于大背景之下。 当我上次来到这里的时候，我们谈到了中国共产党介入的一系列海事及边界争端。我认为在全世界其他任何地方都没有这种情况。没有多少邻国能够满意地说他们知道他们的主权的边界，而且中国共产党将尊重这一主权。现在不丹人民显然也面临这种情况。 这就是全世界必须共同予以应对的。中国共产党所采取的这种日益严重的修正型行为正是特朗普总统（President Trump）极其严肃地对待的问题。美国的前几届政府都没有这样做。我们将以我们认为合适的方式对此进行回应，而且我们已努力向中国领导层表明我们严肃地对待这个问题。当我说“我们”时，不仅是指美国。我们将很快开始同我们在欧盟的朋友就我们如何能够集体应对中国共产党构成的这种挑战展开一次对话。 我相信，我相信这次——我认为这种病毒从中国武汉传播的情况——我认为全世界已经看到中国共产党的真面目，而且我比以往任何时候都坚信，全世界自由的人民将逐步理解这所构成的威胁不仅是在中国内部，而且重要的是，习总书记对世界的影响不利于自由的人民和热爱民主的人民，而且全世界将团结一致地以一种强有力的、重要的方式对此予以应对，并将以我们都习以为常的、惠及全世界所有人民的方式来维护依据法治行事的主权国家。 *             *             *         *

July 8, 2020 Press Briefing Room Washington, D.C. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Good morning, everyone.  Hope everybody had a great 4th of July celebrating the founding of this great country, and a week from today I’ll be in Philadelphia talking about the work of the Unalienable Rights Commission.  I’m looking forward to that.  A belated happy birthday to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who celebrated his 85th birthday on Monday of this week. And a big welcome to Mexico’s President Lopez Obrador, who is in Washington today to celebrate the landmark USMCA trade deal coming into force alongside President Trump.  I spoke with the foreign minister yesterday.  I’m looking forward to seeing him here in just a little bit as well.  I think we’ll have a great set of meetings over at the White House later on today. On Monday, Egypt released U.S. citizen Mohamed Amashah, who had been detained since March of 2019. Mohamed is one of many Americans President Trump’s administration has worked tirelessly to get back home, and we thank Egypt for securing his release and his repatriation. But at the same time, we urge Egyptian officials to stop unwarranted harassment of U.S. citizens and their families who remain there. I want to start today with the Chinese Communist Party. As with all unelected, communist regimes, Beijing fears its own people’s free thinking more than any foreign foe. We were deeply troubled to learn this week that the CCP detained Xu Zhangrun for criticizing General Secretary Xi Jinping’s repressive regime and the CCP’s mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic.  He should be released.  He was simply telling the truth.  He should be released as soon as possible. I’ll repeat a theme I’ve been talking about for months:  The CCP has an enormous credibility problem.  They failed to tell the world the truth about this virus, and now hundreds of thousands of peoples all across the world are dead.  We need the truth; we still need the truth.  We need to open up.  We need to engage in a serious way with scientists around the world.  And they now say they’re going to allow the WHO to come in.  That’s great, but the WHO needs to be free to do its real work.  We need to make sure the right people are there to engage in this investigation, and we need real answers, not a perfunctory political solution.  This is about science, not politics, and the Chinese Communist Party needs to come clean with the world about this virus. Beijing claimed for months that it reported the outbreak of the virus to the WHO.  Now we know that’s not true, too.  We know that the WHO’s Country Office in China reported the outbreak only after it picked up a media statement from the Wuhan Municipal Health Commission. Again, Beijing describes Xinjiang’s internment camps as vocational training camps.  New reports of forced abortions and sterilizations add to a body of evidence that contradicts that. And Beijing said that for 50 years they’d give the people of Hong Kong “a high degree of autonomy.”  And you all have seen what’s happened after only 23 years – empty promises made to the people of Hong Kong and to the world. I want to give kudos to Google, Facebook, and Twitter for refusing to surrender user data to the Hong Kong government – other companies should follow them and do the same. And a shoutout to our Canadian friends as well.  Canada has been strong in its response to Beijing’s crackdown.  We think that’s the right course for the entire world to take. We’re heartened to see too the United Kingdom have their vigorous debate now on the risk presented to the British people from Huawei technology being in their systems.  As FBI Director Wray said yesterday, Huawei is, quote, “a serial intellectual property thief, with a pattern and practice of disregarding both the rule of law and the rights of its victims.” I commend to you Director Wray’s entire speech yesterday.  It is worth the time to watch.  Attorney General Barr will deliver a set of remarks in the coming days, and then I’ll give what will be the fourth in a series of remarks.  I want to direct everyone also to a letter that Under Secretary Keith Krach drafted to CEOs, boards of directors, trade groups, commercial investment firms alerting them to the CCP’s use of slave labor in Xinjiang, and providing them with a set of governance recommendations for how they should ensure that they are not part and parcel of this terrible practice. Last China item:  The CCP recently filed a boundary dispute with Bhutan at a meeting of the Global Environment Facility. From the mountain ranges of the Himalayas to the waters of Vietnam’s Exclusive Zone, to the Senkaku Islands, and beyond, Beijing has a pattern of instigating territorial disputes.  The world shouldn’t allow this bullying to take place, nor should it permit it to continue. To the Middle East: On Monday, Iraq tragically lost a patriot, prominent scholar, and journalist when Hisham al-Hashimi was brutally assassinated in front of his home in Baghdad. Dr. Hashimi had devoted his life to a free and sovereign Iraq, and gave voice to the aspirations of the Iraqi people.  In the days leading up to his death, he was repeatedly threatened by Iran-backed armed groups. And the United States joins partner nations in strongly condemning his assassination, and call for the Government of Iraq to bring to justice the perpetrators of this terrible crime and bring them swiftly to justice. In Syria, the actions of the Assad regime, Russia, and China to constrict the flow of lifesaving supplies, medicine, and food have exacerbated an already terrible humanitarian situation on the ground. Just yesterday, Russia and China once again vetoed action at the UN Security Council that would have maintained humanitarian access to desperate Syrian communities.  Over the last several months, Russia and the People’s Republic of China have repeatedly abused their veto powers in the council to support the Assad regime strategy of starving its own people.  Their calculus is clear.  They believe there is no price to pay for their actions to the Security Council.  They believe their partnership with the Assad regime will render political and economic benefits that outweigh any cost of conscience or moral obligation. It’s our job, the responsible nations of the world, to increase those costs, document the human impact of these decisions, and use this example to remind the world of what these two regimes stand for. I also want to address the deteriorating and immobile oil storage vessel, the Safer, that’s floating off in the Red Sea.  Some of you will remember I have spoken about this before, I think. The tanker contains four times the oil spilled in the Exxon Valdez disaster. If it ruptures, it will devastate the Red Sea ecosystem and disrupt key shipping lanes in the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb.  A disaster like that could prevent desperately needed food aid from reaching a Yemeni population already in terrible, dire conditions. The Houthis have blocked UN officials who need to board the vessel and to do – in order that they may do the work necessary to prevent massive environmental damage throughout the region.  The Houthis must grant access before this ticking time bomb explodes. And speaking of the Houthis, and bombs: Last week, a United Nations report confirmed that the weapons shipments the United States interdicted back in November of 2019 and then again in February of this year were of Iranian origin.  You’ll recall that when we said that, the Iranians denied it.  The UN has now confirmed this.  Iran is not abiding by the UN arms embargo restrictions that are due to expire in less than four months now. Now, we have interdicted another shipment of weapons heading to the Houthis. On June 28th, U.S. and partner forces interdicted a vessel off the coast of Yemen with illicit cargo including 200 RPGs, more than 1,700 AK rifles, 21 – 21 surface-to-air and land-attack missiles, several anti-tank missiles, and other advanced weapons and missiles. The Security Council must extend the arms embargo on Iran to prevent further conflict in the region.  No serious person can possibly believe Iran would use any weapon it receives for peaceful ends. Contrast the Islamic Republic of Iran’s illegal gun running with America’s work to help our allies and partners defend themselves: On Monday – on Monday we notified Congress of $7.5 billion worth of defense sales.  From new rotorcraft capabilities for countries like Lithuania and Indonesia, to new ISR platforms for NATO ally France, to increased infantry mobility in the Stryker platform for Argentina, the United States is meeting the high demand for our allies and partners for American gear to defend their nations. We are strengthening our security partnerships, building capacity, and supporting the American manufacturing base. And now turning to Africa: We’re making progress in helping Sudan’s transition to a more democratic and peaceful way of life. At the Sudan Partnership Conference back on June 25th, the United States announced it will provide $356.2 million to support the Sudan democratic transition, including more than $85 million in development and COVID-19 assistance. And finally – I’ll close here – as one of our expanding security relationship with the Republic of Cyprus, for the first time, the Department of State intends to provide International Military Education and Training funding to that country, contingent on congressional appropriations and our notification of Congress. This is part of our efforts to enhance relationships with key regional partners to promote stability in the Eastern Mediterranean. Happy to take some questions. MS ORTAGUS:  Nadia, go ahead. QUESTION:  Good morning, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Nadia, hi. QUESTION:  You oppose the release of Mr. Kassim Tajideen although you said that you abide by the court decision.  Does this hinder your effort to go after high-target violence here of Hizballah, like Mr. Tajideen?  And what does it say to the people who oppose Hizballah and the people who are trying to give them – support them financially?  And in that regard, for the first time we hear Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of the group, yesterday saying that he welcomes U.S. assistance to the Lebanese Government.  Do you see that – although he said U.S. is an enemy.  But do you see this as a way of trying to open some kind of dialogue with the U.S., considering that they release this person, Mr. Tajideen? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So we do everything we can to enforce the sanctions that we have put in place against terrorist figures, including those who have been designated under Hizballah designations.  We’ve urged other countries to designate Hizballah terrorist organization as well.  We continue to believe that they present an enormous risk, and their behavior indicates that they are in fact a terrorist organization that is intent on causing harm to the West, and most in particular to our partner and ally in the region, Israel. Second, I didn’t see the remarks that you described from Nasrallah.  I did see him say that they should take Iranian oil.  That I saw.  That would be unacceptable for them to do that.  It would be sanctioned product for sure, and we’ll do everything we can to make sure that Iran cannot continue to sell crude oil anywhere, including to Hizballah in the region so that the resources that fund and underwrite the world’s largest state sponsor of terror won’t be made available to them because they were able to sell some crude oil product or some petroleum product to Hizballah. QUESTION:  Sorry, just to follow up quickly.  But many people will see the release of Mr. Tajideen as a victory for Hizballah and he might – they might be using it as that and this is why he said we welcome any U.S. assistance and we don’t mind it. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  There can be no mistake what the United States has done and will continue to do to put pressure on Hizballah and also to try and assist the people of Lebanon at building out a successful government.  The other component here of course is Lebanon’s incredible struggle to conduct the reforms that are necessary to make sure that the Lebanese people who have been protesting in the streets, simply demanding a government that’s not corrupt, that is engaged in behavior that benefits the Lebanese people – that’s our mission set.  Hizballah is a terrorist organization and we are supportive of Lebanon as long as they get the reforms right and they are not a proxy state for Iran in Lebanon.  It would be a very bad thing for the people throughout Lebanon and we hope that doesn’t happen in Beirut. MS ORTAGUS:  Nick Schifrin. QUESTION:  Good morning, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Hey, Nick. QUESTION:  Thank you very much.  Can we do WHO and Iran, if I could. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Sure.  Give it a shot. QUESTION:  U.S. law mandates that the administration follow through on the financial pledges to the WHO before the withdrawal next year.  Can you tell us how much the U.S. has paid of that and whether you intend to follow through on the commitments?  And Iran, what’s the message Iranian leaders should draw from the explosion at Natanz?  Do you believe it was accidental or deliberate? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I’m not going to talk about the second question.  With respect to the first one, we provided notice yesterday to Capitol Hill of our intent to withdraw from the World Health Organization, something we had talked about.  We had communicated to Congress, even in the informal process, that this was our intention. The President – we formally did that from the State Department yesterday consistent with the President’s guidance.  We will work with Congress with respect to the appropriated funds.  We’ll get it right.  But the President has made very clear we are not going to underwrite an organization that has historically been incompetent and not performed its fundamental function. There’s a real focus on the failures that took place around Wuhan and the World Health Organization’s fundamental inability to perform its basic core mission of preventing a global pandemic spread.  But don’t forget the history.  This is an institution that got it wrong on SARS, it got it wrong on Ebola.  The United States had to create its own system, PEPFAR, to do the work to prevent and come up with solutions to the HIV/AIDS problem.  We did that.  The United States did that. The World Health Organization has a long history of corruption and politicization.  And it’s not that it doesn’t get some pieces of their program right.  That’s certainly true.  But on balance, this is an organization that has not been able to deliver on its core mission for decades.  We tried, Nick, desperately, and we in fact got some reforms through back a handful of years ago.  But the WHO leadership clearly has been unable to execute and implement them in a way that can prevent the kind of global pandemic that has destroyed hundreds of thousands of lives and cost the global economy trillions and trillions of dollars.  That is not an organization that the administration has any intention of underwriting. MS ORTAGUS:  Marina, go ahead. QUESTION:  Sir, about Brazil.  Do you think President Jair Bolsonaro should change his approach to the virus now that he has tested positive?  And also, when will U.S. allow people who are traveling from Brazil to enter the country?  Is there a number of cases or deaths that Brazil needs to reach in order to that? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So President Bolsonaro’s perfectly capable of making his own decision about how to proceed with the health situation in his own country.  I spoke with the Foreign Minister Araujo yesterday about that and many other things with respect to our relationship.  They are a great partner and friend of ours.  As for when we can get travel back open between our two countries, the relationship with Brazil’s no different than any other country.  We are putting in place a set of metrics that will determine when it’s appropriate and safe for the American people to allow travel to come from other countries.  We’ll evaluate each country separately and make informed decisions based on science and reason, not politics.  We’re going to get this right.  We’re going to make sure that we do everything we can to get our economy back open just as quickly as we can.  We have a big team here at State.  We have a big team at Department of Transportation and DHS, the Vice President’s task force all looking at this challenge.  We want to get international travel back up and going just as quickly as we can.  That includes with our great friends in South America, including Brazil. MS ORTAGUS:  Christian. QUESTION:  Thanks, Mr. Secretary.  A couple of questions.  First on COVID, curious if we could get some updates on the negotiations to end the travel restrictions with the European Union.  And then secondly, you said yesterday the administration’s looking at banning TikTok.  I’m curious how serious this ban consideration is.  India banned it almost overnight with very little thought.  And how soon can we expect that to go into effect? SECRETARY POMPEO:  So with respect to the conversations with the EU, we’ve actually made some progress thinking about how to do that.  So it’s unlikely to be the case that it will be on and off – that is, we will attempt to put in some procedures and protocols that protect both citizens here in the United States from the spread.  And it’s a global challenge and we want to make sure that the European citizens aren’t impacted adversely by travel from the West as well.  Lots of people not only come from America but transit through America to Europe, so we’ve got to deal with all the complexity that comes with it.  We’ve made some real progress, technical progress, and now we need to draw that to a conclusion.  And then there will be a system, a system to monitor and measure, to make sure that we get the timing right and we get the toggle switches right.  Both sides of the Atlantic want to get this back open.  Both sides understand that our economies depend on it, the deep important relation, the transatlantic relationship matters.  These are two Western democracies that have a lot of good work to do together and getting those travel nodes hooked back up and connected again is an important thing. With respect to TikTok, I want to put it in the broader context.  We have been engaged in a constant evaluation about ensuring that we protect the privacy of American citizens and their information as it transits, so this doesn’t relate to any one particular business or company but rather to American national security, and we are striving to get that right.  The comments that I made about a particular company earlier this week fall in the context of us evaluating the threat from the Chinese Communist Party.  We’ve talked about it in the context of ZTE, we’ve talked about it in the context of Huawei, and we are now evaluating each instance where we believe that U.S. citizens’ data that they have on their phones or in their system or in their health care records – we want to make sure that the Chinese Communist Party doesn’t have a way to easily access that.  And so what you’ll see the administration do is take actions that preserve and protect that information and deny the Chinese Communist Party access to the private information that belongs to Americans.  We have a – it’s a big project because we’ve got partners all around the world where infrastructure crosses Chinese technology and then comes to the United States, so one should think about this as a project of real scale and real importance.  We must get this right.  The infrastructure of this next hundred years must be a communications infrastructure that’s based on a Western ideal of private property and protection of private citizens’ information in a transparent way.  That is not the model that Chinese Communist Party software and hardware companies are engaged in. MS ORTAGUS:  Hudson. QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Hi. QUESTION:  Disparate countries — SECRETARY POMPEO:  You look like you’ve got a great question – just all over your face.  (Laughter.)  I can just see it. QUESTION:  I try to bring some Midwest optimism to all (inaudible). SECRETARY POMPEO:  Fantastic.  That’s awesome.  Me too.  (Laughter.) QUESTION:  Good.  Good.  So disparate countries from Taiwan to Germany have managed to flatten the curve, but the U.S. has the highest number of cases of COVID in the world.  Do you still believe the U.S. is a world leader on the pandemic?  And just to put it directly, was the U.S. involved in any way in the Natanz explosion? SECRETARY POMPEO:  Take your first question – of course the U.S. remains the world leader in the pandemic.  It almost goes without saying, and there are multiple dimensions and I’ve talked about each of them.  Certainly the Vice President’s task force talks about them as well.  But whether that is the technical, scientific solutions both to how to stop the spread; whether that’s therapeutics or vaccines, the world turns its eyes to the best scientists and researchers and practitioners of the sciences that will ultimately bring resolution to this problem. It’s the United States that the world looks to.  When it comes to countries, small countries, whether that’s in Central Asia or in Africa, their eyes turn to the United States.  It’s not remotely close who has provided the most assistance to these nations to try and solve what are vexing problems in their countries with very little medical infrastructure.  And so yes, there is no doubt that the United States has been and will remain the world’s leader when it comes to not only pandemic response but global health care infrastructure, systems, and processes that take down the very risks that we described.  It’s good we have friends and partners in this too.  The Western democracies – that model is the one that is most likely to prevail and prevent this kind of thing from happening again.  What we found in China is the Chinese Communist Party was simply incapable – and you see it with the arrest that I referred to in my remarks – they’re incapable of being transparent, of accepting criticism, of allowing reporters to ask them questions that they find uncomfortable that elicit the truth and the facts.  We still have significant questions about who patient zero was.  We’re now six months on at least from when this began and the Chinese Communist Party – that authoritarian model – simply can’t prevent the kind of inquiry or has to prevent that kind of inquiry because they’re afraid.  They’re afraid that the truth will be something that will not shine a happy light on what took place, and so instead they chose to hide and obfuscate and deny basic truth, basic scientific truths about what took place.  This is the – this is a fundamental and fatal flaw for authoritarian regimes and it’s why the Chinese Communist Party has to be held accountable. And your second question was about the explosion in Natanz.  I don’t have anything to add. QUESTION:  Do you think the Israelis were involved? SECRETARY POMPEO:  I just don’t have any comment.  Thanks. MS ORTAGUS:  Victor, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you.  Now, on the visit of the Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, the Mexican delegation has been clear that they want to (inaudible) coronavirus, but I’d like to know if you will put on the table issues like the human rights or human trafficking, your concerns on freedom of the press, for example.  And if I may, I’d like to know the status of the Merida Initiative and the need to upgrade or review the cooperation on antinarcotics or security, especially after the attack to a Mexican official in Mexico City. SECRETARY POMPEO:  Yeah.  So it’s the President’s meeting.  He’ll put on the table precisely what he chooses to, and I’m sure President Obrador will do that as well, but I’m confident the meeting will talk about the full range of issues that we work on with the Mexican Government, certainly the economic issues.  We want to talk about our border, how we make sure that we keep that border, that commercial traffic up and successful, very important to American supply chains, Canadian supply chains that you can see come into full force under the USMCA.  We’ve got to make sure we get that right, and so I know they’ll talk about that.  I’m confident that the full range of issues – I’m sure we’ll talk about issues that aren’t – that expand beyond bilateral as well, things in the hemisphere, right: what’s taking place in Venezuela today, challenges that we find to narcotics trafficking on – in both the Pacific and the Atlantic, places where Mexico can help.  So I’m confident that the full range of issues you asked – you mentioned several others.  I’m very confident that the discussion will be complete and comprehensive.  I expect we’ll have a good set of meetings with him today in the afternoon and then again this evening at the working dinner as well. With that, I’ve got time for one more. MS ORTAGUS:  Lalit, go ahead. QUESTION:  Thank you, Secretary.  Following up on your remarks about Beijing’s pattern of instigating boundary dispute, you know what has happened with – to India, China’s aggression, behavior against India in Leh, in Ladakh.  What is the – what is the assessment of the situation between India and China right now?  SECRETARY POMPEO:  So I’ve spoken with Foreign Minister Jaishankar a number of times about this.  The Chinese took incredibly aggressive action.  The Indians have done their best to respond to that.  I’d put this in the context of General Secretary Xi Jinping and his behavior throughout the region, and indeed, throughout the world.  It’s – I don’t think it’s possible to look at that particular instance of Chinese Communist Party aggression in isolation.  I think you need to put it in the larger context.  When I was up here once before, we talked about the number of both maritime and boundary disputes that the Chinese Communist Party has engaged in.  I think it’s unequaled anyplace else in the world.  There aren’t many neighbors that could satisfactorily say that they know where their sovereignty ends and that the Chinese Communist Party will respect that sovereignty.  That’s certainly true now for the people of Bhutan as well. This is what the world must come together to respond to.  This increasing revisionist effort that the Chinese Communist Party is engaged in is something that President Trump has taken incredibly seriously.  The United States hadn’t done that in previous administrations.  We will respond to this in a way that we think is appropriate, and we have attempted to communicate to the Chinese leadership that we are serious about this.  When I say “we,” it’s not just the United States.  We will start very shortly a dialogue with our EU friends on how we collectively can respond to this challenge from the Chinese Communist Party. And I am confident, I’m confident that this – I think what’s happened with the spread of this virus from Wuhan, China – I think the world has seen the true colors of the Chinese Communist Party, and I am convinced more than ever that the free peoples of the world will come to understand the threat that’s presented not only internally inside of China, but importantly, that the impact that General Secretary Xi has on the world is not good for free peoples and democracy-loving peoples, and the world will come together to respond to that in a way that is powerful and important and will preserve sovereign nations operating under the rule of law in the way that we have all come accustomed to and benefits people all across the world. MS ORTAGUS:  Okay. QUESTION:  May I do a follow-up on — SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you.  I’m sorry, I’m going to have to take off.  Thanks, everybody.  Have a good day.

特别电话新闻通报会（节选） 美国东亚和太平洋事务助理国务卿丹尼尔·克里滕布林克和总统特别助理及国家安全委员会东亚与大洋洲事务资深主任埃德加德·卡根 美国国务院 即时发布 2022年5月17日 亚太新闻中心 2022年5月17日   克里滕布林克助理国务卿： …… 简而言之，上周的美国-东盟特别峰会极为成功。我们相信这次峰会在两天期间全面展现了我们同东盟的根本性关系的广度和深度。我们的意图是真正地为我们在东盟的朋友们铺设红地毯，对东盟及其领导人表现出极大的尊重，从佩洛西议长在国会山同东盟领导人共进午餐以及同工商界领袖的交流开始，直到总统在白宫举办的晚宴，都安排在第一天；紧接着是在周五，第二天，在国务院进行了一整天的对话，在总统和副总统以及多位内阁部长再次参与后结束。 在峰会期间，总统还宣布了他提名担任美国驻东盟大使的人选。 国务卿和副国务卿还在峰会间隙会见了多个代表团，而且我们在峰会开幕前同公民社会组织、年轻人和侨民社区举办了许多活动。这些活动凸显了东盟和美国之间的民间联系的长期历史。我们总计有10亿人口，其中超过700万美国人与东南亚国家有着家族和传承纽带，是我们的伙伴关系真正的核心驱动力。我们热切希望继续同我们在东南亚的朋友们进行数十年来的积极协作。 我高兴地同资深主任卡根（Senior Director Kagan）一道在会场边就坐，见证了这次非常特殊的峰会。这是在华盛顿特区举行的首次美国-东盟集会，也是拜登-哈里斯政府迄今为止举办的规模最大的现场峰会。很多东盟代表团还借此机会前往其他美国城市以推动美国-东盟关系，使之远远超越了华盛顿特区的范畴。 我要说这远远不止是一次峰会。事实上，这是美国同东盟45年伙伴关系的一次庆典，而且随着我们将我们的关系提升为一种全面战略伙伴关系（Comprehensive Strategic Partnership），这还是对今后45年前景的一次展望。我们所发布的《联合愿景声明》（Joint Vision Statement）阐明了我们对一个更自由、更繁荣、更互联互通、更具复原力的印太地区的共同愿景。我们在其中承诺就湄公河次区域的发展展开协作；增进民间联系；建立更好的卫生保障，其中包括以四方伙伴关系为渠道；以及共同努力采取气候行动。我们的《联合愿景声明》还重申了我们对乌克兰的主权、领土完整和政治独立的相互尊重，以及我们对缅甸危机的深重关切。 海事安全是整个峰会的一个重大议题。副总统宣布了6000万美元的新的区域性海事行动计划，以促进海事执法、提高海洋领域意识，并遏制非法、未报告和不受监管的捕捞活动。我们还宣布了很多行动计划，都在我们于峰会第一天发布的简报（Fact Sheet）中得到阐述。这份简报及其可交付成果都旨在深化我们同一个实力和权能都得到增强的东盟的关系。 我们宣布了1.5亿美元新的区域性行动计划，当然，这是在美国自2002年以来已向东南亚地区提供的121亿美元的发展、经济、卫生和安全援助、以及14亿美元人道主义援助的基础之上。此外，仅在公共卫生一个领域，美国自2002年以来就已投入超过33亿美元。 除此之外，拜登-哈里斯政府的2023财政年度预算案中包括为东盟伙伴提供的超过8亿美元双边援助，以及用于深化同东盟关系的超过2500万美元资金。 我还想利用一点时间简要地重点介绍一些教育和文化事务局（Educational and Cultural Affairs Bureau）以及美国高等院校正在东南亚各地从事的工作，通过研究和培训项目来增强民间联系。 …… 在为期两天的峰会期间，总统、副总统、国务卿、副国务卿以及其他高级美国官员，包括内阁部长在内，都同东盟领导人建立了个人关系，并就范围广泛的一系列问题展开了诚恳的、有成效的对话。例如，美国商会（Chamber of Commerce）和美国-东盟商务理事会（U.S.-ASEAN Business Council）促成了同美国私营部门的企业主管的一次讨论会，确立了美国企业对提升投资信心的承诺。在这次活动上，雷蒙多部长（Secretary Raimondo）宣布，规模最大的贸易使团——美国规模最大的贸易使团，贸易风（Trade Winds），将于明年在泰国举行活动，并将附带访问其他五个东南亚市场。本次峰会借助了提升东盟战略伙伴关系的动力，在商贸领域成果尤为显著。 副总统哈里斯与气候问题总统特使约翰·克里（John Kerry）、能源部长格兰霍姆（Granholm）、运输部长布蒂吉格（Buttigieg）和美国国际发展署署长鲍尔（Power）一道主持了一次有关气候行动、清洁能源转型和可持续性基础设施的富有成效的讨论会。东盟欢迎同美国就这些议题进行更深入的合作，其中包括于2021年9月举行的首届美国-东盟能源部长级会议。 在东南亚地区，缅甸危机继续是东盟关注的焦点，而且是拜登总统的一项首要重点。 …… 与会领导人讨论了他们对基于规则的国际秩序的共同承诺，而我们要发展我们的经济和社会都要依赖于此。各位领导人还讨论了俄罗斯对乌克兰人民以及该国的主权和领土完整的持续攻击。正如我讲到的，理所当然，《联合愿景声明》重申了乌克兰的主权、政治独立和领土完整。 总统还在全体会议上强调了各项基本自由和人权的重要意义，同时承认了美国自身在这方面的不足。他指出，尊重法治和人权是一个自由、开放的印太地区的根基，该地区在美国对外政策中继续处于中心地位。 因此，当我说我们的领导人在美国-东盟峰会上讨论了所有议题时，那是我真实的想法。再重申一遍，我们认为这是一次极其成功的峰会，推动了美国和东盟国家之间的实质性合作，使与会领导人能够就范围广泛的重要战略和经济议题展开持续的、富有成果的交流，并且，再次重申，我认为进一步发展了我们的领导人之间的个人关系。 …… 卡根先生：…… 我来补充一两点。 一是这对总统很重要。总统充分认识到扩大美国与东盟关系的重要性。他认为东盟是美国需要与之进一步合作的组织，这对我们在印太地区的更广泛的努力至关重要。 我还要指出，这次峰会正值总统和本届政府的许多其他高级官员异常繁忙的时候召开，显然首先要关注的是乌克兰的局势。但我的感觉是，总统非常坚定地认为我们不能仅仅关注乌克兰——本届政府需要继续落实它从上任伊始就制定的计划，即真正关注印太地区，扩大和加强我们在印太地区的地位和关系。我觉得总统清楚地认识到东盟是其中的一个关键方面，这首先体现在他在去年秋季由文莱主持的东盟峰会期间的参与。 但我认为，他与东南亚领导人的进一步接触，与该地区其他领导人的讨论，都加深了他的看法，即在我们加强与许多长期伙伴、盟友的关系方面，这对美国来说是一个关键的地区—— 这些国家对美国极为重要，并且我们正在寻求做得更多。 我认为，我们的愿景表明，我们非常希望加强双边关系，但也认识到为了能够加强我们与东南亚国家的双边关系，我们需要与东盟合作。众所周知，东盟对整个东南亚国家极为重要，如果没有牢固的关系和加强这种关系的投资，我认为最好的 [听不清] 是将这一关系提升为全面战略伙伴关系的决定，否则我们就无法真正像我们希望的那样在东南亚拥有更广泛的定位。 我认为总统非常珍视与其他领导人聚会的机会，对他们前来美国非常感激。他知道这是不远万里。我认为晚宴非常特别，部分原因是规模很小，因此可以密切接触，他们进行了非常好的交谈。我们也认为，在华盛顿举办这一活动非常重要。正如 Dan 所提到的，我们只举办过一次这样的特别峰会，那是 2016 年在“阳光之乡”(Sunnylands) 举行的。顺便提一句，Dan 当时担任我现在的职务，是那次会议的主要组织者。 另外我认为，这一次从我们的角度来看，在华盛顿开会的一个原因是希望表明，加强与东盟关系这一想法不仅对白宫很重要，不仅对国务院很重要，而且对美国政府的各个部门和机构都很重要。因此，我们对众多内阁级官员参加讨论感到非常高兴。 我认为，不仅有很多具有象征意义的关注点，在宣布的援助和合作方面也有很多值得关注的内容。我认为对我们来说——这一点非常重要，尽管之前已经强调了其重要性。这些是我们希望与东盟一起做的事情，是对双边工作的补充，我们正在不断努力做这些事情。这些工作反映了新的合作领域和我们认为对东盟很重要的领域。我们的体会之一是我们需要确保回应东盟伙伴的需求。 因此，从我们的角度来看，宣布的一些关键举措反映了我们从东盟伙伴那里听取的意见，他们希望看到美国在这些领域中做得更多。我还要指出联合愿景声明的重要意义。据我所知，东盟与对话伙伴会谈时并不总是发表共同愿景声明。我们认为发表这样一个声明非常重要，东盟国家在这方面表现出的热情和建设性态度让我们感到非常鼓舞。我们认为，这是一个重要的声明，反映了美国和东盟加强合作的领域；我们双方的愿景更加一致；这也反映了我们的关系正在向前发展并且会在未来得到加强。 我要说的最后一件事是，我们对这份声明中有关民间交流的内容感到特别欣慰，特别是我们能够宣布将由约翰霍普金斯大学高级国际研究院在华盛顿主办美国-东盟新兴领导者研究院。我认为，从我们的角度来看，这反映了我们把民间交流视为美国与东盟伙伴关系的支柱之一，我们认为民间交流是极其重要的，我们为此感到非常自豪，并深信我们需要采取更多行动扩展这种交流。 …… [为翻译需要复述提问:][新闻媒体询问关于是否撤回对俄罗斯参加G20峰会的邀请以及本届政府是否力图要求或说服其他国家疏远俄罗斯或者更多公开发声。] * * * * 卡根先生：好，我来回答这个问题。我认为我们非常注重同东盟作为一个机构——及其领导人——进行有关东盟和东南亚的讨论。所以，我认为曾经——总统谈了他对乌克兰正在发生的情况的看法和国际社会作出强大反应的重要性。我不认为我们专门要想说服其他国家疏远自己。但是我认为，我们的一个重点是要让其他国家了解美国在这件事上的看法，有相当一些国家也持有这样的看法。 我认为，我们对一些动态和联合声明采用的语言感到满意。我认为我们认识到，这个地区的每个国家都有各自不同的历史，在某种程度上，这意味着其中有些国家与俄罗斯关系比较密切。我认为我们的观点是，他们全都理解站出来支持主权和独立与领土完整的重大意义。我认为他们非常明确地提到了尊重联合国宪章的重要性。所以，从我们的角度而言，我们相信这是我们认为正在出现的那种进展，各国正在试图理解在乌克兰发生的情况的严重性及其极端残酷性。 克里滕布林克助理国务卿：多谢，埃德加德。请允许我对此略微补充一、两点，我完全同意埃德加德所说的一切。我对领导人之间的谈话感到很震撼，有那么多位东盟领导人再次公开表达了他们对俄罗斯残酷入侵乌克兰的深切担忧。正如你们在埃德加德重点提到的《联合愿景声明》中所看到的，《联合愿景声明》一致同意，我们所有国家都必须尊重乌克兰的主权、政治独立和领土完整。 所以，总统无疑非常明确地表达了我们对此的深切关注。但我要再次说，我对有这么多东盟领导人也公开表达了他们的关注感到相当满意和钦佩。我认为，就像埃德加德提到的，围绕重申我们尊重乌克兰的主权、独立和领土完整绝对是有共识的，强有力的共识。 主持人：谢谢。下一个，我们也许可以请澳大利亚堪培拉的《亚太防务》（Asia Pacific Defence）的基姆·伯格曼提问。基姆，请讲。 问：……先生们，非常感谢你们的时间，而且我想再次说这些通报会对媒体是多么重要。我的问题与南中国海（South China Sea）有关。我在愿景声明中看到，你们提到采取建立信心举措和切实举措的重要意义也是为减缓紧张局势。那你们能否谈谈这一点，你们究竟考虑的是什么？ 克里滕布林克助理国务卿：非常感谢你的提问。我可以说，美国-东盟峰会对海事问题的关注是完全自然的，尤其是在南中国海。我认为在领导人的讨论中和在《联合愿景声明》中，你们都可以看到我们之间具有的共识。我们注重确保整个南中国海的持久和平和稳定与繁荣。我们将确保维持这一地区的和平、安全和稳定的关键放在确保使所有分歧和所有行为都根据国际法得到解决，都是基于国际法，包括《联合国海洋法公约》。我们重申我们支持航行和飞越自由。我们还声明，支持全面落实2002年《各方行为宣言》（2002 Declaration on the Conduct of the Parties），并且支持一项有利于环境的南中国海行为准则，同时强调，任何行为准则都必须符合国际法。 我认为，除此之外，就像你们可以在《联合愿景声明》中看到的，还有一个关注点是海事领域的实际合作。其中一部分体现在我们在资料中宣布的一些新项目，将由海上警卫队实施，侧重于发展我们在这一地区的伙伴的实力和能力，形成海域意识，从而了解正在他们的海域和领土上发生的情况；我们能够为打击非法、未报告和不受监管的捕捞活动共同作出的实际努力；以及在一个更实际的层面，发展搜救和其他方面的能力。 所以，我想说的就是，我认为这既是一个高层外交会谈，强调我们全体所高度重视的针对南中国海的原则，同时也是非常务实的援助，旨在提高我们合作伙伴的能力，捍卫他们的利益和利用南中国海的资源。 但以上是我的看法。埃德加德，我不知你是否想补充。 卡根先生：我可以补充的唯一一点是，我认为，在这些讨论本身的过程中，我们的观点是，对南中国海和对遵守某些国际法的基本原则的重要性有一些非常有力的表述。我认为，我们离开时感到，与一些双边讨论相比，我们的观点和东盟作为一个整体的观点其实比我们原来期待的更加一致。 所以，对我们来说，我认为我们感到，对南中国海我们在很多方面观点非常相同，我们能够达成一项联合声明，对基本原则和价值观表述得如此明确，我认为从我们的角度来看，是有非常积极意义的。 克里滕布林克助理国务卿：我认为的确是这样，埃德加德提到我们对《联合愿景声明》非常满意，我绝对赞成。我认为我们相信，《联合愿景声明》确实非常全面，它是战略性的，确实体现了美国和东盟之间的利益吻合。正如埃德加德在前面强调的，我们坚决支持东盟的中心地位和《东盟印太展望》（ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific），我认为，人们确实可以在那项声明中看到我们的利益和我们的价值观以及我们对这一地区的观点相吻合，包括在海事问题上。 …… 问：太好了。谢谢你。我觉得再提第二个问题有点贪心。但我要返回愿景声明和乌克兰的情况。我注意到在愿景声明中，其实没有提到俄罗斯，没有使用“俄罗斯侵略”的词句，我不是要低估在这么多不同国家中竟能达成共识的难度。但是这是不是稍微有些牵强了，希望有些更实在的东西？ 克里滕布林克助理国务卿：不是，基姆，感谢你提出这个问题。要知道，我只想重申我们在前面通话中说过的话。我们对《联合愿景声明》感到非常自豪。我认为，它代表着美国和我们东盟伙伴之间的非常强有力的共识，包括在乌克兰问题上。我认为那一段文字的细节反映出我们东盟十个伙伴和美国达成的共识，我想就说到此为止。 我想你非常清楚美国的立场。我认为，就像我在今晚通话中提到的，我对——尤其是在全体会议上，我们一些东盟朋友对俄罗斯骇人听闻的入侵——骇人听闻——对乌克兰无端、无理的入侵所表达的强烈观点感到相当震撼。但是我认为，如果你读那段文字，我还是要说，它反映出在所有十国和美国之间达成的共识。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/teleconference-with-u-s-assistant-secretary-of-state-for-the-bureau-of-east-asian-and-pacific-affairs-daniel-j-kritenbrink-and-special-assistant-to-the-president-and-senior-director-for-east-asia-an/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

SPECIAL BRIEFING VIA TELEPHONE DANIEL J. KRITENBRINK, ASSISTANT SECRETARY BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS EDGARD D. KAGAN The audio file for this briefing is available here. Moderator:  Good day from the U.S. Department of State’s Asia Pacific Media Hub in Manila.  I’m the Hub Director, Zia Syed, and I want to thank you all for joining this briefing.  Today, we are pleased to be joined from Washington, D.C., by Daniel J. Kritenrbrink, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the U.S. Department of State, and Edgard D. Kagan, Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for East Asia and Oceania on the National Security Council. We’ll begin today’s call with opening remarks from Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink and then Mr. Kagan will follow.  We’ll try to get to as many questions as we can during the time that we have, which is approximately 35 minutes. Finally, as a reminder, today’s call is on the record.  And with that, I will turn it over to Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Thank you very much, Zia.  Good evening, everyone.  This is Dan Kritenbrink.  Honored to be with you, as always, and so grateful to all of our friends in the media for joining us this evening. I’m delighted to be joined tonight by my good friend, Senior Director Edgard Kagan, who was central and instrumental to organizing last week’s U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit. Look, in a nutshell, last week’s U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit was a tremendous success.  We believe that this summit displayed the full breadth and depth of our foundational relationship with ASEAN over the course of two days.  Our intention was truly to roll out the red carpet for our friends in ASEAN, to show tremendous respect for ASEAN and its leaders, starting with Speaker Pelosi’s lunch with ASEAN leaders on Capitol Hill and engagement with business leaders, and then the President’s dinner at the White House, all on day one; followed on Friday, on day two, by a full day of dialogue at the State Department, concluding again with both the President, the Vice President, as well as multiple Cabinet secretaries. During the summit, the President also announced his nominee for U.S. ambassador to ASEAN. The Secretary and Deputy Secretary of State also met with several delegations on the sidelines of the summit, and we held many pre-summit events with civil society, youth, and diaspora communities.  These events underscored our long history of people-to-people ties between ASEAN and the United States.  Our combined 1 billion people, including over 7 million Americans with ties of family and heritage to the countries of Southeast Asia, are truly the core driver of our partnership.  We are excited to continue decades of positive collaboration with our friends in Southeast Asia. I was delighted, along with Senior Director Kagan, to have a courtside seat for this very special summit.  This was the first U.S.-ASEAN get-together held in Washington, D.C., and it was the largest in-person summit of the Biden-Harris administration to date.  Many ASEAN delegations also took the opportunity to travel to other U.S. cities to advance U.S.-ASEAN ties far beyond the corridors of Washington, D.C. I would say that this was far more than simply a summit.  In reality, this was a celebration of America’s 45-year partnership with ASEAN and a preview of what the next 45 years hold as we elevate our relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.  The Joint Vision Statement that we released lays out our shared vision for a freer, more prosperous, more interconnected, and more resilient Indo-Pacific.  In it, we committed ourselves to collaborating on subregional development in the Mekong; enhancing our people-to-people ties; building better health security, including through partnership with the Quad; and working together on climate action.  Our Joint Vision Statement also reaffirms our mutual respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of Ukraine, as well as our deep concern over the crisis in Burma. Maritime security was a major theme throughout the summit.  The Vice President announced $60 million in new regional maritime initiatives advancing maritime law enforcement, improving maritime domain awareness, and curbing illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing.  There were many initiatives that we announced, as we outlined in our Fact Sheet that was released on day one of the summit.  And that fact sheet and its deliverables were all aimed at deepening our relations with a strengthened and empowered ASEAN. The $150 million in new regional initiatives that we announced is, of course, in addition to the $12.1 billion in development economic health and security assistance, and over $1.4 billion in humanitarian assistance that we have provided to Southeast Asia since 2002.  In addition, for public health alone, the United States has invested over $3.3 billion since 2002. In addition, the Biden-Harris administration’s Fiscal Year 2023 Budget Request included over $800 million in bilateral assistance for ASEAN partners, and over $25 million to deepen relations with ASEAN. I’d also like to take a moment just to briefly highlight some of the work that the Educational and Cultural Affairs Bureau and U.S. universities are doing throughout Southeast Asia to strengthen people-to-people ties through research and training.  For example, Arizona State University’s Thunderbird School of Global Management announced new plans to educate 100 million learners by 2030, many of them throughout Southeast Asia.  The Development Finance Corporation and Fulbright University Vietnam, have signed a financing agreement for $37 million in DFC financing for FUV’s new campus in Ho Chi Minh City.  And these examples are just a very small snapshot of U.S. university engagement in Southeast Asia. Under programs like Fulbright and the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, or YSEALI, the United States is proud to support the next generation of ASEAN leaders.  And as the White House announced, and in the fact sheet for the summit, we are doubling the size of both of these programs. Throughout the two-day summit, the President, the Vice President, the Secretary of State, and the Deputy Secretary of State, and other senior U.S. officials, including Cabinet secretaries, were able to develop personal relationships with the leaders of ASEAN and they had candid and productive conversations on a wide range of issues.  For example, the Chamber of Commerce and U.S.-ASEAN Business Council facilitated a discussion with U.S. private sector business executives anchoring the U.S. commitment to investing in the dynamism of optimism.  At this event, Secretary Raimondo announced that the largest trade mission – the largest U.S. trade mission, Trade Winds, will be held in Thailand next year with spin-off visits to five other Southeast Asian markets.  The summit took advantage of momentum for elevating the strategic partnership of ASEAN, particularly for our business. Vice President Harris, joined by Special Presidential Envoy on Climate John Kerry, Energy Secretary Granholm, Transport Secretary Buttigieg, and USAID Administrator Power, hosted a productive discussion on climate action, clean energy transformation, and sustainable infrastructure.  ASEAN welcomed deeper cooperation with the United States on these issues, including the first U.S.-ASEAN energy ministerial in September of 2021. In Southeast Asia, of course, the crisis in Burma continues to be at the forefront of ASEAN’s attention as well as a top priority for President Biden.  At the U.S.-ASEAN summit, the leaders discussed in detail our efforts to hold the Burmese regime accountable and our support for the implementation of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus.  The empty chair that we reserved for Burma at the summit represented not just the unfulfilled vision of the people of Burma for a democratic future, but also the regime’s empty promises to the people of Burma.  Leaders discussed ending the violence and increasing efficiency and administering humanitarian aid to the people of Burma, especially those in distant areas and vulnerable situations. The leaders discussed their shared commitment to the rules-based international order that we have all depended on to grow our economies and our societies.  The leaders also discussed Russia’s continued assault on Ukraine’s people and the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.  As I mentioned, of course, the Joint Vision Statement reaffirmed the sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The President also emphasized in the plenary session the importance of fundamental freedoms and human rights, while acknowledging America’s own shortcomings in this regard.  He noted that respect for the rule of law and human rights is fundamental to a free and open Indo-Pacific and remains central to U.S. foreign policy. So, when I say that our leaders at the U.S.-ASEAN summit discussed it all, I truly mean it.  Again, we thought this was a tremendously successful summit that advanced concrete cooperation between the United States and the countries of ASEAN, allowed the leaders to engage in sustained and fruitful exchange on a wide range of important strategic and economic issues and, again, further developed I think the personal relations between our leaders. Let me stop there.  Thank you for allowing me to make those opening comments.  I’ll ask Zia to hand it over to my good friend Edgard Kagan for any comments he may wish to make at the outset.  Look forward to your questions later.  Thank you. Moderator:  Thank you.  Please go ahead, Mr. Kagan. Mr. Kagan:  Thank you very much, Zia, and to Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, my good friend Dan, thank you for the lay-down.  I would just add a couple of things. One is that this was important to the President.  The President fully appreciates the importance of expanding U.S. ties to ASEAN.  He sees ASEAN as an organization with which the United States wants to do more, and that this is really critical to our broader efforts in the Indo-Pacific. I’d also point out that this is happening at a time when there are tremendous demands on the President’s time and on many other senior officials in the administration, and obviously Ukraine stands first and foremost there.  But I think the President is very, very committed to the idea that we can’t allow ourselves to be overly focused on Ukraine – that the administration needs to continue doing what it laid out from the very beginning of its time in office in terms of really focusing on the Indo-Pacific and expanding and strengthening our position and our relations in the Indo-Pacific.  And I think the President very much sees ASEAN as a critical aspect of this, and that was first demonstrated in the engagements that he had in the fall at the time of the ASEAN summit that was held virtually, chaired by Brunei. But I think that his further engagements with leaders from Southeast Asia, discussion with other leaders from the region, all just reinforced his view that this is a critical place for the U.S. in terms of how we strengthen our relationship with many longstanding partners, allies — countries who all are extremely important to the United States and where we’re seeking to do more. I think our vision is very much that we want to strengthen our bilateral ties, but there’s also a recognition that in order to be able to strengthen our bilateral ties with countries in Southeast Asia, we need to be able to work with ASEAN.  ASEAN is extremely important, as all of you know, to countries throughout Southeast Asia, and without a strong relationship and investment in strengthening that relationship, I think the best [inaudible] is the decision to elevate the relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.  Without that, we are not able to really have the kind of broader position in Southeast Asia that we want. I think that the President very much appreciated the opportunity to spend time with his fellow leaders, and he was grateful to them that they made the trip.  He knows it’s a very long way.  I think that the dinner was very special, in part because it was very small and very intimate and they had very, very good conversations.  I think that also we thought it was very important to host this in Washington.  As Dan mentioned, we’ve only done a special summit like this one other time, and that was in Sunnylands in 2016, which I would just note, parenthetically, Dan was in the job that I currently hold and was the driving force behind doing that. And I think that we felt that this time, part of the argument for doing it in Washington, from our standpoint, was to make clear that the idea of strengthening ties with ASEAN is important not just to the White House, not just to the State Department, but it is important to departments and agencies across the U.S. Government.  And so, we were very happy at how many of our Cabinet-level officials participated in discussions. I think there’s been a lot of focus, I think, on some of the symbolic aspects of this, but there’s also been a lot of focus on the assistance that was announced and that there is cooperation.  I think that for us – and it’s been said – this is very important.  These are things that we want to do with ASEAN, as compared to things that we’re doing bilaterally, that we’re doing with ongoing efforts.  These reflect new areas of cooperation and areas that we believe are important to ASEAN.  And one of the things that we’ve learned is that we need to make sure that we’re responding to what ASEAN partners want. And so, from our standpoint, some of the key things that were announced reflect what we have heard from our ASEAN partners as areas that they would like to see the U.S. do more.  I would also note the significance of the Joint Vision Statement.  I think that there is not always a history of getting joint vision statements when ASEAN meets with its dialogue partners.  We felt it was very important to have one, and we were very, very encouraged by the enthusiasm and constructive approach that ASEAN countries took to doing this.  And we believe that this is a significant statement that reflects areas that the U.S. and ASEAN have strengthened our cooperation; we have further aligned our visions; and that it reflects also we’re going forward and strengthening those ties in the future. The last thing I would say is we are particularly proud of the people-to-people aspect of this.  And in that regard, and particularly, we’re happy to be able to announce the U.S.-ASEAN Institute for Rising Leaders that will be hosted by the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University in Washington.  I think that from our standpoint, this reflects what we see as one of the things that really undergirds the U.S. partnership with ASEAN, which is the people-to-people ties, which we see as being extremely important and something that we’re very, very proud of and believe we need to do more to expand. So with that, let me hand it over to Zia.  Thank you. Moderator:  Thank you very much.  We’ll now begin the question and answer portion of today’s call.  Our first question will go to Sui-Lee Wee from The New York Times in Singapore.  Sui-Lee, if you could please go ahead. Question:  Thank you.  So I have two questions.  First, is there an effort to persuade Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo to disinvite Russia from the G20 summit?  And if so, what was the response? And related to that, did the administration try to press Vietnam to distance itself from Russia or try to convince other countries, such as Indonesia and Thailand, the countries that have been less vocal about their criticism against Russia, to speak up more?  Thank you. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Thank you very much.  Edgard, do you want to take those or do you want me to take an initial stab? Mr. Kagan:  Sure.  I’ll take that.  I think that we were very focused on the importance of discussions with ASEAN as an organization, the leaders, about ASEAN and about Southeast Asia.  So, I think that there was – the President discussed his views on what is happening in Ukraine and the importance of a strong international response.  I don’t think that there was a particular focus on trying to persuade countries to distance themselves.  I think that there was, however, a focus on making sure the countries understood the U.S. perspective on this, a perspective which is shared by quite a few other countries. And I think that we were satisfied with some of the movement and the language that emerged in the joint statement.  I think that we recognize that every country in the region has its own different history, and that some of this means that some of them have closer ties to Russia.  I think our view is that all of them appreciate the significance of standing up for sovereignty and independence and territorial integrity.  I think that they very clearly referred to the importance of respecting the UN Charter.  And so from our standpoint, we believe that this is the kind of progress that we believe is happening as countries come to grips with the significance of what is happening and the totality of the brutality of what is happening in Ukraine. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Edgard, thanks very much.  And if I could just add just a minor point or two to that, and I fully agree with everything that Edgard said.  I was just quite struck in the conversations among the leaders, how many ASEAN leaders spoke out to again express their deep concern over Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine.  And as you saw in the Joint Vision Statement that Edgard highlighted, there was unanimous agreement, as we outlined in the Joint Vision Statement, that all of us must respect the sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine. So, certainly the President made very clear our deep concerns over that.  But again, I was quite gratified and impressed by the number of ASEAN leaders that spoke out to express their concerns as well.  And I think as Edgard has noted, I think there is definitely a consensus, a strong consensus, around reaffirming our respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. Moderator:  Thank you.  Next if we could go to Kym Bergmann from Asia Pacific Defence in Canberra, Australia.  Kym, please go ahead. Question:  Gentlemen, thank you very much for your time, and again, I’d like to say just how important these briefings are for the media.  My question relates to the South China Sea.  And I see in the Vision Statement you refer to the importance of undertaking confidence-building measures and practical measures also to reduce tensions.  So could you speak to that a little, about what you actually have in mind? Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Thank you very much for your question.  I would say it is perfectly natural that in a U.S.-ASEAN summit that there would be a focus on maritime issues, particularly in the South China Sea.  And I think both in the discussions among the leaders and in the Joint Vision Statement, I think you can see where the consensus lies amongst us.  We are focused on ensuring peace and stability and prosperity across the South China Sea.  We’re focused on ensuring that the key to maintaining peace, security, and stability in the region is ensuring that all disputes and all behavior are both resolved in, and rooted in international law, including UNCLOS.  We reiterated our support for freedom of navigation and overflight.  We also stated our support for the full implementation of the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of the Parties, and also we support an environment conducive to a code of conduct on the South China Sea while emphasizing that any code of conduct has to be consistent with international law. I think apart from that as well, as you can see in the Joint Vision Statement, there is a focus on practical cooperation in the maritime domain.  Part of that is represented by the new programs that were announced in our fact sheet that will be implemented by the Coast Guard, which are focused on developing the capacity and the capabilities of our partners in the region to achieve maritime domain awareness so they understand what is happening in their maritime domains and territories; practical work we can take together on countering illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing; and at an even more practical level, developing capabilities in search and rescue and other areas. So, the point I’m trying to make is I think this was both a high-level diplomatic conversation underscoring the principles that we all hold dear vis-à-vis the South China Sea, coupled with very practical assistance designed to raise the capacity of our partners to defend their interests and exploit the resources in the South China Sea. But those are my comments.  Edgard, I didn’t know if you wanted to add anything to that. Mr. Kagan:  The only thing I would add is that I think that during the discussions themselves, our view is that there are some very strong statements on the South China Sea and on the importance of living up to some basic principles of international law.  I think that we left here feeling that there’s actually more alignment between our views and those of ASEAN as a group, as compared to some of the bilateral discussions than we had expected. So, for us, I think we feel that we have a very similar perspective in many ways on the South China Sea and the fact that we were able to get a joint statement, and one that was so clear on basic principles and values I think from our standpoint, was quite positive. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  I think that’s so true, and if I could just foot-stomp Edgard’s comment about how pleased we are with the Joint Vision Statement.  I think we believe that the Joint Vision Statement is truly comprehensive, it’s strategic, and really represents a convergence of interest between the United States and ASEAN.  As Edgard underscored earlier, we strongly support ASEAN centrality and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, and I think you can really see the convergence of our interests and our values and our views on the region in that statement, including on maritime issues. Moderator:  Thank you.  Next, we’ll go to Lyn Bacani from Marino World, here in the Philippines.  Lyn, please go ahead. Question:  Yes, good morning.  I’m Lyn Bacani from Marino World, Philippines.  What are your expectations from our newly elected President Ferdinand Marcos, Jr., given that the Philippines became a founding member of the ASEAN during his father’s presidency? Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Well, thank you very much for that.  Edgard, I wondered if maybe you wanted to start by — Mr. Kagan:  Yes.  I think that I want to be cautious.  I think we recognize that there is only one president at a time.  The inauguration has not yet taken place.  I want to be cautious about saying anything having to do with expectations.  I think our broader desire is to continue strengthening our bilateral relationship, and we very much believe that it is in keeping with strengthening our bilateral relationship to work together more closely in the context of ASEAN. I think that our belief is that ASEAN offers a number of avenues for countries in the region to work together to advance common interests, and as I said before, we believe that working with ASEAN helps us also simultaneously strengthen bilateral relationships, and stronger bilateral relationships help us work better in ASEAN.  And our sincere expectation is that we find ways to strengthen the bilateral relationship between the United States and the Philippines, and at the same time that we are able to work together very effectively in the context of ASEAN. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  And Edgard, if I could, the only thing I would add, of course, was the phone call that Senior Director Kagan helped arrange that President Biden placed to President-elect Marcos in which the President underscored he looks forward to working with the president-elect to continue strengthening our alliance and expanding our cooperation on a broad range of issues.  So, I think between Edgard’s comments and, of course, the President’s call, I think you can see that we’re very much looking forward with the new president-elect, once he’s inaugurated, to further strengthen our alliance. Moderator:  Thank you.  Next if we could go to Danh Le Thanh with VnExpress in Vietnam.  Danh, if you’re there. Question:  I’m Danh from VnExpress, Vietnam.  Thank you for taking my question.  So, I wonder if you can share some details on the conversation between President Biden and Prime Minister of Vietnam Phạm Minh Chính at the dinner in the White House, and what are the plans for cooperation between the two countries in the future?  Thank you. Mr. Kagan:  Well, I’m going to let Dan, as a former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam, take the lead on that one. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Thank you, Edgard, and thank you very much.  Really want to give a shout-out to all of my friends at VnExpress, and really appreciate your question. I think what I could do maybe most productively is to share a little bit about some of the issues that were discussed in the summit itself with the prime minister and then maybe share a little bit about the meeting that Secretary Blinken also had with the prime minister. Let me start by saying we, of course, were absolutely honored to have Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính representing Vietnam at the summit, and it was a great opportunity for him to engage with the President, the Vice President, and the Secretary of State, the National Security Advisor, and other leaders. I think in the summit itself, we were very grateful that Prime Minister Chính, of course, spoke at every session, including on a broad range of issues, including our desire to combat climate change, to combat the spread of COVID-19, and of course to advance the shared principles on maritime-related matters that we’ve referred to elsewhere. On the broader question of what our hopes and expectations for our very important partnership with Vietnam, I would refer to the very productive meeting that Secretary Blinken had with the prime minister.  And I think it was quite representative of the strong partnership that we’ve built with Vietnam.  It was a broad, substantive conversation related to our shared interests related to security, economics and prosperity, the environment, climate change, clean energy, combating COVID-19, and further growing our very strong people-to-people ties. So again, while this summit was designed primarily to celebrate our vital partnership with ASEAN, it was also an opportunity to highlight and celebrate the incredible partnerships we have with many of the countries in Southeast Asia, including Vietnam.  And again, we were honored to have the prime minister here. Edgard, I don’t know if you wanted to add anything to that. Mr. Kagan:  Not much, other than to say the President enjoyed his conversation with the prime minister at dinner as he did with the other leaders.  The end — I think that worked — we felt that the dinner was very special because it really was a very intimate meal.  It was only the leaders plus one.  And I think that they were able to have very candid conversations, and so the President enjoyed that very much.  That’s the kind of setting that he really enjoys.  And he enjoys getting to know fellow leaders as people as well as people representing policies in their national interests. And so, he had a lot of respect I think for the leaders when they came in.  He met a number of them previously either as President or as vice president or when he was in the Senate.  But I think that he really enjoyed that contact and found it very useful.  I think that he is very committed to strengthening the bilateral relationships with countries in the region, and so very much enjoyed the conversation with the prime minister. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Yes, and Edgard, maybe just one final comment.  I think what was so special about this last week is in addition to all the activities in the summit itself, we’ve talked about a number of very special events that were arranged on the margins of the summit, and I know that our friends at the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce organized multiple events with individual leaders.  I happened to attend the one organized for Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính.  And again, it was really a celebration of the U.S.-Vietnam partnership, and I thought the prime minister really eloquently laid out his vision for what Vietnam is trying to achieve and what the United States and Vietnam are trying to achieve together, including by continuing to address legacies from the past in a very productive way while we continue to build this future-oriented partnership.  And again, just as we are with ASEAN itself, we’re very hopeful for the future of our partnership with Vietnam. Moderator:  Thank you.  I know, Mr. Kagan, you may be having to leave, but we’ll try to get in just a couple of more questions before we wrap up. Mr. Kagan:  I’m going to have to leave – I want to apologize to everyone.  I have another call that I have to be on.  But thank you all for joining, and we really are very grateful to the ASEAN leaders, but we’re also grateful to all of you for your interest.  Thank you. Moderator:  And we’ll continue.  Next, if we could go to Michelle Jamrisko from Bloomberg in Singapore.  Michelle, please go ahead. Question:  Good evening and thanks for doing this call.  I just wanted to ask about the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.  There’s been some eagerness I think from many sides to get more detail on that.  I’m wondering if you could say anything about what’s come out of the summit that might help shape that framework, and whether we might hear more ahead of the President’s trip to East Asia this month. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Well, Michelle, thanks very much for that.  Look, I think we’ve spoken in various fora about the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.  I would just remind colleagues on the line that the President announced our general plans for the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework at the East Asia Summit and at the U.S.-ASEAN summit last fall.  I believe it was October of 2021.  And over the past few months, I think as many of you have been tracking, we’ve been working with partners across the region, including many in ASEAN, to define our shared objectives around I think some of the most important issues related to the 21st century economy, including trade facilitation, standards for the digital economy and technology, supply chain resiliency, decarbonization and clean energy infrastructure, worker standards, and several other areas. So we’re indeed working intensively to develop the framework.  We’re encouraged to see the intense interest in it so far.  And I anticipate you’ll hear more from us on the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework soon. Moderator:  Thank you, Assistant Secretary.  Next if we could go to Elvis Chang from NTDAPTV in Taiwan.  Elvis, please go ahead. Question:  My question is: did the summit reach any consensus or results on the Taiwan issue?  Thank you. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  Thank you Elvis for the question.  I think what I would say is this – I don’t recall the issue of Taiwan or cross-strait issues being discussed explicitly in the summit itself.  I’m sure you and many of our friends on the call are well aware with the longstanding American position on cross-strait issues and our “One China” policy as determined by the Taiwan Relations Act, the Three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances to Taiwan.  And I’d be happy to address any questions you have on that. But I don’t believe that Taiwan and cross-strait issues were discussed specifically in the context of the summit itself.  And I think, candidly speaking, I think that would be somewhat natural given the nature of the agenda between the United States and ASEAN at this summit. Moderator:  Excellent.  I appreciate all the time here, Assistant Secretary.  If it’s okay, we will take one more question and then we’ll wrap up.  For our last question we can go to — Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  I always enjoy interacting with the press and I’m really, really grateful for all our friends in the region for spending time with us.  Let’s do one more. Moderator:  Okay, excellent.  Thank you.  Actually, we will go back to Kym Bergmann from Asia Pacific Defence in Canberra, who’s back in the queue.  Kym, please go ahead. Question:  Great, thank you.  I feel greedy for getting a second question.  But I return to the vision statement and circumstances in Ukraine.  I note in the vision statement that it doesn’t actually mention Russia and doesn’t use the phrase “Russian aggression,” and I’m not underestimating the difficulties at all of getting consensus amongst so many different countries.  But was that just a little bit of a bridge too far, hoping for something firmer? Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink:  No, I appreciate that, Kym.  Look, I would just reiterate what we said earlier on the call.  We’re really proud of the Joint Vision Statement.  I think it represents a very strong consensus between the United States and our partners in ASEAN, including on the Ukraine issue.  And I think the details of that paragraph reflect the consensus reached among our ten partners in ASEAN and the United States, and I think I’ll leave it at that. I think you know very well what the U.S. position is.  I think, as I’ve noted here in our call tonight, that I was quite struck in the plenary session in particular – the forcefulness of the views expressed by some of our friends in ASEAN about their deep concern over Russia’s egregious invasion, egregious and unprovoked and unwarranted invasion of Ukraine.  But I think the paragraph as you read it, again, reflects the consensus that we reached among all ten and the United States. Moderator:  Thank you very much.  Well, that will conclude today’s call.  I want to thank Daniel J. Kritenrbrink, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the U.S. Department of State, and Edgard Kagan, Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for East Asia and Oceania on the National Security Council.  And also I want to thank all of you for participating in this briefing and for asking your questions. Please stay on the line for information regarding access to an audio recording of the call.  Also, please be aware that a transcript of the call will be posted to our social media platforms and sent out to all of you within a day.  If you have any questions about today’s call, you may contact the Asia Pacific Media Hub at AsiaPacMedia@state.gov.  Thank you.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 会谈纪要 2023年6月19日    美国国务院发言人马修·米勒（Matthew Miller）发布的会谈纪要如下：  美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯今天在北京会见了中共中央外事工作委员会办公室主任王毅。他们就一系列影响美国、中华人民共和国和全世界人民的双边和全球问题进行了坦诚的、有成效的探讨。  国务卿强调了通过开放的沟通渠道负责任地管理美国与中华人民共和国之间的竞争的重要性，以确保竞争不转变为冲突。国务卿重申，美国将继续通过外交途径提出令人关切的领域，并捍卫美国人民的利益和价值观。国务卿和王毅主任还讨论了就共同的跨国挑战探索合作的机会。    欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-blinkens-meeting-with-director-of-the-ccp-central-foreign-affairs-office-wang-yi/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

READOUT OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JUNE 19, 2023 The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with Director of the CCP Central Foreign Affairs Office Wang Yi today in Beijing.  In a candid and productive discussion, they addressed a range of bilateral and global issues that affect people in the United States, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and around the world. The Secretary underscored the importance of responsibly managing the competition between the United States and the PRC through open channels of communication to ensure competition does not veer into conflict.  The Secretary reiterated that the United States will continue to use diplomacy to raise areas of concern and stand up for the interests and values of the American people.  The Secretary and Director Wang also discussed opportunities to explore cooperation on shared transnational challenges.

美国驻华大使馆 2020年9月14日 美国驻中华人民共和国大使泰里·布兰斯塔德将于十月初卸下其美国特使职位并离开北京。大使于上周与特朗普总统通话确认了这一决定。  布兰斯塔德大使和家人于2017年6月抵达中国。在美国大使馆本周一举行的一场内部全体大会上，布兰斯塔德大使感谢了美国驻华使领馆员工所做的所有辛勤工作。“我最为自豪的是我们为达成第一阶段贸易协议以及为我们在美国的社区带来切实结果所做的工作。我们的目标仍然是为美国家庭带来有意义、可衡量的结果。我们已经取得了重要的进展，我们将继续争取更多。”  大使帮助领导了使馆的工作，成功减少了从中国流入美国的芬太尼。2018年，经过数月的谈判，中国同意将芬太尼及其所有衍生物作为管控物质进行列管。这一协议将可能挽救数千美国人的生命。  大使表示能在过去的三年零三个月里代表美国总统和美国人民，他格外荣幸。“我们正在重新平衡美中关系，以使其公平、对等，并能在两国都推动积极增长。”他还表示，在任职大使期间，他曾到访中国26个省和自治区，若不是COVID-19限制了他在中国国内的旅行，他本可以遍访所有的省份和自治区：“了解中国人民，在他们的家中和他们见面，听他们的个人故事，这一直是这项工作的一大荣幸。” 蓬佩奥国务卿通过推特（Twitter）感谢了大使的服务，他表示，布兰斯塔德大使为重新平衡美中关系所做的贡献将会在未来数十年间对美国在亚太的外交政策产生持久、积极的影响。 大使离开北京后将会返回艾奥瓦州。

U.S. Embassy in Beijing September 14, 2020 U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China Terry Branstad will retire from his position as U.S. envoy and depart Beijing in early October. The Ambassador confirmed his decision to President Trump by phone last week.   Ambassador Branstad and family arrived in China in June, 2017.   In an internal “Town Hall Meeting” at the U.S. Embassy on Monday, Ambassador Branstad thanked the staff of the U.S. Embassy and Consulates in China for all of their hard work. “I am proudest of our work in getting the Phase One trade deal and delivering tangible results for our communities back home.  Our goal remains meaningful, measurable results for American families. We have made significant progress and we will not stop pressing for more.”  The Ambassador helped lead the embassy’s successful effort to reduce the flow of Chinese fentanyl to the United States.  In 2018, following months of negotiations, China agreed to schedule fentanyl and all its derivatives as a controlled substance.  The agreement will likely save thousands of American lives.  The Ambassador noted that it has been an extraordinary honor to represent the U.S. President and the American people over the last three years and three months.  “We are rebalancing the U.S.-China relationship so that it is fair and reciprocal and can fuel positive growth in both countries.”  He also noted that during his tenure he travelled to 26 provinces and autonomous regions in China, and would have visited all of them if COVID-19 had not limited his domestic travel: “Getting to know the Chinese people, meeting them in their homes and hearing their personal stories, has been one of the great privileges of this job.”  Secretary of State Pompeo thanked the Ambassador for his service via Twitter, saying that Ambassador Branstad’s contribution to the rebalancing of U.S.-China relations will have lasting, positive effects on U.S. foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific for decades to come.  The Ambassador will return to Iowa after leaving Beijing.

Mission Logo 讲话 马尼什·辛格 负责经济增长、能源和环境事务的代理副国务卿 美国商会基金会 华盛顿DC 2019年3月7日 在我们聚在一起庆祝国际妇女节和妇女历史月之际，我很荣幸能够与众多商业领导者和女性经济赋能的倡导者一同出席。 为契合今年的主题“平等机会”，我想把目光放在一些大胆的努力上： 怎么能做这些事情呢？通过投资女性！看看那些数字，我们无法不这样做！ “平等机会”实际上是一个28万亿美元的问题，这是抓住机会的一个及时、最佳的时刻！ 赋能女性参与和领导私营部门以及政府使我们能够挖掘一个巨大的人才库，这些人才会让我们的企业和整个社会受益。 在向全球市场和关键领域扩展时，世界各地的企业都面临着障碍 ——对女性领导的企业来说尤其如此。这是挑战与机会相遇的地方。

Remarks Manisha Singh Acting Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment U.S. Chamber of Commerce Foundation Washington, DC March 7, 2019 As we gather to celebrate International Women’s Day and Women’s History Month, I am honored to be here with so many business leaders and champions of women’s economic empowerment. In line with this year’s theme, “The Equality Opportunity” I want to set our sights on some bold endeavors: And how can do these things? By investing in women! Looking at those numbers, we can’t afford not to do so! The Equality Opportunity is literally a $28 trillion question, and what a perfect moment in time it is to seize that opportunity! Empowering women to participate and lead in the private sector – and in government as well — allows us to tap into an enormous pool of talent that benefits our enterprises and societies as a whole. Businesses around the world face obstacles when expanding to global markets and into key sectors– this is especially true for female-led businesses. This is where challenge meets opportunity meet.

2018 宗教自由报告 下载 （PDF, 693KB)

2018 Report on International Religious Freedom: China (Includes Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Macau) JUNE 21, 2019 Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, and Tibet are appended at the end of this report.  Given the scope and severity of reported religious freedom violations specific to Xinjiang this year, a separate section on the region is also included in this report.The constitution states citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.”  The government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents when the government perceived these as threatening state or Chinese Communist Party (CCP) interests, according to nongovernmental organization (NGO) and international media reports.  Only religious groups belonging to one of the five state-sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” (Buddhist, Taoist, Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant) are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services.  There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. Multiple media and NGOs estimated that since April 2017, the government detained at least 800,000 and up to possibly more than 2 million Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and members of other Muslim groups, mostly Chinese citizens, in specially built or converted detention facilities in Xinjiang and subjected them to forced disappearance, torture, physical abuse, and prolonged detention without trial because of their religion and ethnicity.  There were reports of deaths among detainees.  Authorities maintained extensive and invasive security and surveillance, particularly in Xinjiang, in part to gain information regarding individuals’ religious adherence and practices.  The government continued to cite concerns over the “three evils” of “ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and violent terrorism” as grounds to enact and enforce restrictions on religious practices of Muslims in Xinjiang.  Authorities in Xinjiang punished schoolchildren, university students, and their family members for praying.  They barred youths from participating in religious activities, including fasting during Ramadan.  The government sought the forcible repatriation of Uighur Muslims from foreign countries and detained some of those who returned. Religious groups reported deaths in or shortly after detentions, disappearances, and arrests and stated authorities tortured Tibetan Buddhists, Christians, and members of Falun Gong.  The Church of Almighty God reported authorities subjected hundreds of their members to “torture or forced indoctrination.”  Although authorities continued to block information about the number of self-immolations of Tibetan Buddhists, including Buddhist monks, there were reportedly four self-immolations during the year.  The government began enforcing revised regulations in February that govern the activities of religious groups and their members.  Religious leaders and groups stated these regulations increased restrictions on their ability to practice their religions, including a new requirement for religious group members to seek approval to travel abroad and a prohibition on “accepting domination by external forces.”  Christian church leaders stated the government increased monitoring even before the new regulations came into effect, causing many churches to cease their normal activities.  Authorities continued to arrest Christians and enforce more limitations on their activities, including requiring Christian churches to install surveillance cameras to enable daily police monitoring, and compelling members of house churches and other Christians to sign documents renouncing their Christian faith and church membership.  An ongoing campaign of church closings continued during the year, and authorities removed crosses and other Christian symbols from churches, with Henan Province a particular focus area of such activity.  In September the Holy See reached a provisional agreement with the government that reportedly would resolve a decades-long dispute concerning the authority to appoint bishops. Uighur Muslims and Tibetan Buddhists reported severe societal discrimination in employment, housing, and business opportunities.  In Xinjiang, tension between Uighur Muslims and Han Chinese continued. The Vice President, Secretary of State, Ambassador, and other embassy and consulates general representatives repeatedly and publicly expressed concerns about abuses of religious freedom.  On July 26, the Vice President said, “Religious persecution is growing in both scope and scale in the world’s most populous country, the People’s Republic of China…Together with other religious minorities, Buddhists, Muslims, and Christians are often under attack.”  On September 21, the Secretary said, “Hundreds of thousands, and possibly millions of Uighurs are held against their will in so-called re-education camps, where they’re forced to endure severe political indoctrination and other awful abuses.  Their religious beliefs are decimated.  And we’re concerned too about the intense new government crackdown on Christians in China, which includes heinous actions like closing churches, burning Bibles, and ordering followers to sign papers renouncing their faith.”  A statement from the July 24-26 U.S. Government-hosted Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom said, “Many members of religious minority groups in China – including Uighurs, Hui, and Kazakh Muslims; Tibetan Buddhists; Catholics; Protestants; and Falun Gong – face severe repression and discrimination because of their beliefs.  These communities consistently report incidents, in which the authorities allegedly torture, physically abuse, arbitrarily arrest, detain, sentence to prison, or harass adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and peaceful practices.  Authorities also restrict travel and interfere with the selection, education, and veneration of religious leaders for many religious groups….”  The Ambassador and other embassy and consulate general officials met with Chinese officials, members of registered and unregistered religious groups, family members of religious prisoners, NGOs, and others to reinforce U.S. support for religious freedom. Since 1999, China has been designated as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 for having engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom.  On November 28, the Secretary of State redesignated China as a CPC and identified the following sanction that accompanied the designation:  the existing ongoing restriction on exports to China of crime control and detection instruments and equipment, under the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 1990 and 1991 (Public Law 101-246), pursuant to section 402(c)(5) of the Act. Section I. Religious Demography The U.S. government estimates the total population at 1.4 billion (July 2018 estimate).  According to the State Council Information Office’s (SCIO) report on religious policies and practices, published in April, there are more than 200 million religious believers in the country.  Many experts, however, believe official estimates understate the total number of religious adherents.  The U.S. government estimated in 2010 that Buddhists comprise 18.2 percent of the population, Christians 5.1 percent, Muslims 1.8 percent, and followers of folk religion 21.9 percent.  According to a February 2017 estimate by the international NGO Freedom House, there are more than 350 million religious believers in the country, including 185-250 million Chinese Buddhists, 60-80 million Protestants, 21-23 million Muslims, 7-20 million Falun Gong practitioners, 12 million Catholics, 6-8 million Tibetan Buddhists, and hundreds of millions who follow various folk traditions.  According to 2017 data from the Jewish Virtual Library, the country’s Jewish population is 2,700.SCIO’s report found the number of Protestants to be 38 million.  Among these, there are 20 million Protestant Christians affiliated with the Three-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM), the state-sanctioned umbrella organization for all officially recognized Protestant churches, according to information on TSPM’s website in March 2017.  According to a 2014 State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA) statistic, more than 5.7 million Catholics worship in sites registered by the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association (CCPA), the state-sanctioned organization for all officially recognized Catholic churches.  The SCIO’s report states there are six million Catholics, although nongovernment estimates suggest there are 10-12 million Catholics, approximately half of whom practice in non-CCPA affiliated churches.  Accurate estimates on the numbers of Catholics and Protestants as well as other faiths are difficult to calculate because many adherents practice exclusively at home or in churches that are not state sanctioned. According to SCIO’s report, there are 10 ethnic minorities in which the majority practices Islam, and these 10 groups total more than 20 million persons.  Other sources indicate almost all of the Muslims are Sunni.  The two largest Muslim ethnic minorities are Hui and Uighur, with Hui Muslims concentrated primarily in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region and Qinghai, Gansu, and Yunnan Provinces.  SARA estimates the Muslim Hui population at 10.6 million. While there is no reliable government breakdown of the Buddhist population by branch, the vast majority of Buddhists are adherents of Mahayana Buddhism, according to the Pew Research Center. Prior to the government’s 1999 ban on Falun Gong, the government estimated there were 70 million adherents.  Falun Gong sources estimate that tens of millions continue to practice privately, and Freedom House estimates 7-20 million practitioners. Some ethnic minorities retain traditional religions, such as Dongba among the Naxi people in Yunnan Province and Buluotuo among the Zhuang in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region.  Media sources report Buddhism, particularly Tibetan Buddhism, is growing in popularity among the Han Chinese population. Local and regional figures for the number of religious followers, even state-sanctioned legal religions, are unclear and purposely kept opaque by authorities.  Local governments do not release these statistics, and even official religious organizations do not have accurate numbers.  The Pew Research Center and other observers say many religious groups often are underreported. Section II. Status of Government Respect for Religious Freedom LEGAL FRAMEWORK The constitution states citizens have “freedom of religious belief,” but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities.”  The constitution does not define “normal.”  It says religion may not be used to disrupt public order, impair the health of citizens, or interfere with the educational system.  The constitution provides for the right to hold or not to hold a religious belief.  State organs, public organizations, and individuals may not discriminate against citizens “who believe in, or do not believe in, any religion.”  The law does not allow legal action to be taken against the government based on the religious freedom protections afforded by the constitution.  Criminal law allows the state to sentence government officials to up to two years in prison if they violate a citizen’s religious freedom. CCP members and members of the armed forces are required to be atheists and are forbidden from engaging in religious practice.  Members found to belong to religious organizations are subject to expulsion, although these rules are not universally enforced.  The vast majority of public office holders are CCP members, and membership is widely considered a prerequisite for success in a government career.  These restrictions on religious belief and practice also apply to retired CCP cadres and party members. The law bans certain religious or spiritual groups.  The criminal law defines banned groups as “cult organizations” and provides for criminal prosecution of individuals belonging to such groups and punishment of up to life in prison.  There are no published criteria for determining, or procedures for challenging, such a designation.  A national security law explicitly bans “cult organizations.”  The CCP maintains an extralegal, party-run security apparatus to eliminate the Falun Gong movement and other such organizations.  The government continues to ban Falun Gong, the Guanyin Method religious group (Guanyin Famen or the Way of the Goddess of Mercy), and Zhong Gong (a qigong exercise discipline).  The government also considers several Christian groups to be “evil cults,” including the Shouters, The Church of Almighty God (also known as Eastern Lightning), Society of Disciples (Mentu Hui), Full Scope Church (Quan Fanwei Jiaohui), Spirit Sect, New Testament Church, Three Grades of Servants (San Ban Puren), Association of Disciples, Lord God religious group, Established King Church, the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification (Unification Church), Family of Love, and South China Church. The Counterterrorism Law describes “religious extremism” as the ideological basis of terrorism that uses “distorted religious teachings or other means to incite hatred, or discrimination, or advocate violence.” Regulations require religious groups to register with the government.  Only religious groups belonging to one of the five state-sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” are permitted to register with the government and legally hold worship services.  These five associations operate under the direction of the CCP United Front Work Department (UFWD).  Other religious groups, such as Protestant groups unaffiliated with the official “patriotic religious association” or Catholics professing loyalty to the Vatican, are not permitted to register as legal entities.  The government does not have a state-sanctioned “patriotic religious association” for Judaism.  The country’s laws and policies do not provide a mechanism for religious groups independent of the five official “patriotic religious associations” to obtain legal status. In March as part of a restructuring of the central government, the Central Committee of the CCP announced the merger of SARA, which was previously under the purview of the State Council, into the CCP’s UFWD, placing responsibility for religious regulations directly under the party.  SARA, while subsumed into the UFWD, continued to conduct work under the same name.  This administrative change at the national level was followed in the spring and autumn with parallel changes at the provincial and local levels. All religious organizations are required to register with one of the five state-sanctioned religious associations, all of which SARA oversees through its provincial and local offices.  The revised Regulations on Religious Affairs announced in 2017 and implemented on February 1, 2018, state that registered religious organizations are allowed to possess property, publish approved materials, train staff, and collect donations.  According to regulations, religious organizations must submit information about the organization’s historical background, members, doctrines, key publications, minimum funding requirements, and government sponsor, which must be one of the five “patriotic religious associations.”  According to SARA, as of April 2016, there are more than 360,000 clergy, 140,000 places of worship, and 5,500 registered religious groups in the country. The State Council’s revisions to the Regulations on Religious Affairs strengthen already existing requirements for unregistered religious groups and require unregistered groups be affiliated with one of the five state-sanctioned religious associations to legally conduct religious activities.  Individuals who participate in unsanctioned religious activities are subject to criminal and administrative penalties.  The regulations stipulate any form of illegal activities or illegal properties should be confiscated and a fine between one to three times the value of the illegal incomes/properties should be imposed.  The revised regulation adds that, if the illegal incomes/properties cannot be identified, a fine below 50,000 renminbi (RMB) ($7,300) should be imposed.  The regulations provide grounds for authorities to penalize property owners renting space to unregistered religious groups by confiscating illegal incomes and properties and levying fines between 20,000-200,000 RMB ($2,900-$29,100).  The revisions instate new requirements for members of religious groups to seek approval to travel abroad and prohibit “accepting domination by external forces.” The revised Regulations on Religious Affairs include new registration requirements for religious schools that allow only the five state-sanctioned religious associations or their lower-level affiliates to form religious schools.  The regulations specify all religious structures, including clergy housing, may not be transferred, mortgaged, or utilized as investments.  The revisions place new restrictions on religious groups conducting business or making investments by stipulating the property and income of religious groups, schools, and venues may not be distributed and should be used for activities and charity befitting their purposes; any individual or organization that donates funds to build religious venues is prohibited from owning and using the venues.  The revisions also impose a limit on foreign donations to religious groups, stating that any such donations must be used for activities that authorities deem appropriate for the group and the site.  The regulations ban donations from foreign groups and individuals if the donations come with any attached conditions and state any donations exceeding 100,000 RMB ($14,500) must be submitted to the local government for review and approval.  Religious groups, religious schools, and religious activity sites must not accept donations from foreign sources with conditions attached.  If authorities find a group has illegally accepted a donation, the regulations grant authorities the ability to confiscate the donation and fine the recipient group between one to three times the value of the unlawful donations or, if the amount cannot be determined, a fine of 50,000 RMB ($7,300). Additionally, the revised Regulations on Religious Affairs require that religious activity “must not harm national security.”  The revisions expand the prescribed steps to address support for “religious extremism,” leaving “extremism” undefined.  These steps include recommending penalties such as suspending groups and canceling clergy credentials.  The revised regulations include a new article placing limits on the online activities of religious groups for the first time, requiring activities be approved by the provincial religious affairs bureau.  The revisions also restrict the publication of religious material to guidelines determined by the State Publishing Administration. Regulations concerning religion also vary by province; many provinces updated their regulations during the year following the enforcement of the revised regulations in February.  In addition to the five nationally recognized religions, local governments, at their discretion, permit certain unregistered religious communities to carry out religious practices.  Examples include local governments in Xinjiang and in and Heilongjiang, Zhejiang, and Guangdong Provinces that allow members of Orthodox Christian communities to participate in unregistered religious activities.  The central government classifies worship of Mazu, a folk deity with Taoist roots, as “cultural heritage” rather than religious practice. SARA states through a policy posted on its website that family and friends have the right to meet at home for worship, including prayer and Bible study, without registering with the government. According to the law, inmates have the right to believe in a religion and maintain their religious beliefs while in custody.  According to the new regulations implemented February 1, proselytizing in public or holding religious activities in unregistered places of worship is not permitted.  In practice, offenders are subject to administrative and criminal penalties. Religious and social regulations permit official “patriotic religious associations” to engage in activities, such as building places of worship, training religious leaders, publishing literature, and providing social services to local communities.  The CCP’s UFWD, SARA, and the Ministry of Civil Affairs provide policy guidance and supervision on the implementation of these regulations. An amendment to the criminal law and a judicial interpretation by the national Supreme People’s Procuratorate and the Supreme People’s Court published in 2016 criminalizes the act of forcing others to wear “extremist” garments.  Neither the amendment nor the judicial interpretation defines what garments or symbols the law considers “extremist.” National printing regulations restrict the publication and distribution of literature with religious content.  Religious texts published without authorization, including Bibles and Qurans, may be confiscated, and unauthorized publishing houses closed. The government offers some subsidies for the construction of state-sanctioned places of worship and religious schools. To establish places of worship, religious organizations must receive approval from the religious affairs department of the relevant local government both when the facility is proposed and again before any services are held at that location.  Religious organizations must submit dozens of documents to register during these approval processes, including detailed management plans of their religious activities, exhaustive financial records, and personal information on all staff members.  Religious communities not going through the formal registration process may not legally have a set facility or worship meeting space.  Therefore, every time they want to reserve a space for worship, such as by renting a hotel or an apartment, they must seek a separate approval from government authorities for each service.  Worshipping in a space without pre-approval, either through the formal registration process or by seeking an approval for each service, is considered an illegal religious activity, which may be criminally or administratively punished.  By regulation, if a religious structure is to be demolished or relocated because of city planning or construction of key projects, the party responsible for demolishing the structure must consult with its local Bureau of Religious Affairs (administered by SARA) and the religious group using the structure.  If all parties agree to the demolition, the party conducting the demolition must agree to rebuild the structure or provide compensation equal to its appraised market value. The revised religious regulations implemented in February and policies enacted by the state-sanctioned religious associations inhibit children under the age of 18 from participating in religious activities and religious education.  For example, one provision states that no individual may use religion to hinder the national education system and that no religious activities may be held in schools other than religious schools.  At the county level, religious affairs bureaus in localities including Henan, Shandong, Anhui, and Xinjiang have released letters telling parents not to take their children under 18 to religious activities or education. The law mandates the teaching of atheism in schools, and a CCP directive provides guidance to universities on how to prevent foreign proselytizing of university students. The law states job applicants shall not face discrimination in hiring based on factors including religious belief. Birth limitation policies remain in force, stating all married couples may have no more than two children, with no exceptions for ethnic or religious minorities.  Women choosing to have more than two children are subject to fines ranging from one to ten times the local per capita income. The country is not a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).  With respect to Macau, the central government notified the UN secretary general, in part, that residents of Macau shall not be restricted in the rights and freedoms they are entitled to, unless otherwise provided for by law, and in case of restrictions, the restrictions shall not contravene the ICCPR.  With respect to Hong Kong, the central government notified the secretary general, in part, that the ICCPR would also apply to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. GOVERNMENT PRACTICES There were reports that authorities subjected individuals to death, forced disappearances, and organ harvesting in prison because of their religious beliefs or affiliation. According to the Church of Almighty God website, kingdomsalvation.org, a member of the Church died while in custody shortly after Guizhou authorities arrested her on an unspecified charge in March.  Authorities said the unnamed person committed suicide by hanging herself, but did not allow her family to view her body.  Officials reportedly told her family the government did not approve of her Christian beliefs.  When her relatives questioned the government’s determination of her death as suicide, authorities threatened them with potential loss of employment and university access for their children. According to Minghui, a Falun Gong publication, on January 16 police took into custody and interrogated Ye Guohua and five other Falun Gong practitioners who were doing Falun Gong exercises.  Police released the five practitioners the next morning and took Ye to the Jianye Detention Center where his family believes he was brutally tortured for his Falun Gong practice.  On September 8, Ye suffered what authorities said was a sudden acute illness and was sent to the hospital.  Authorities allowed his family to see him briefly, and family members reported Ye was in a coma and his body was swollen.  He died three days later.  A local Falun Gong practitioner called the detention center to inquire about what happened to Ye and the person who answered the phone said, “He’s dead, so there’s nothing that can be done.  Asking about this is just asking for trouble.” The Church of Almighty God reported that in April CCP police secretly arrested and tortured one of its members for 25 days.  The individual was sent to the hospital with severe injuries to the skull and she died several months later.  The Church of Almighty God also reported that on June 27, two church members were arrested, and on July 2, one of them was “persecuted to death” in Chaoyang Municipal Detention Center. Minghui reported that on July 4, authorities arrested and detained Ma Guilan from Hebei Province for talking to people about Falun Gong.  On September 17, authorities said Ma suddenly fell ill and they took her to the hospital where she died hours later.  According to the report, several officials came to the hospital and removed Ma’s organs for examination, although it was unclear what happened to those organs. The Wall Street Journal reported that Chinese authorities have subjected prisoners of conscience including Falun Gong, Uighurs, Tibetan Buddhists, and “underground” Christians to forcible organ extraction.  Former prisoners stated that while in detention, authorities subjected them to blood tests and unusual medical examinations that were then added to a database, enabling on-demand organ transplants.  On December 10, an independent tribunal established by the international NGO International Coalition to End Transplant Abuse in China issued an interim judgement that the panel was “certain – unanimously, and sure beyond reasonable doubt – that in China, forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience has been practiced for a substantial period of time, involving a very substantial number of victims.” In August the Association for the Defense of Human Rights and Religious Freedom (ADHRRF), an international NGO providing regular reports on the situation of the Church of Almighty God, reported that between April and August, authorities in Chongqing, Sichuan Province, detained 109 church members.  Of those, 40 remained missing at year’s end. The whereabouts of Gao Zhisheng remained unknown, although media reported it was believed he remained in the custody of state security police.  Police detained Gao, a human rights lawyer who had defended members of Christian groups, Falun Gong practitioners, and other groups, in September 2017. There were reports that authorities tortured detainees, including by depriving them of food, water, and sleep. The Church of Almighty God reported authorities subjected 525 of its members to “torture or forced indoctrination” during the year.  The Church also reported members suffered miscarriages after police subjected them to “torture and abuse” in detention facilities. The Globe and Mail reported in September that authorities tortured a Canadian citizen who is a Falun Gong practitioner during her 18-month pretrial detention in Beijing.  While detained, authorities reportedly initially deprived the individual of food and water, and later pushed her to the ground and pepper sprayed her.  Officials arrested her in February 2017 on charges of “organizing or using a cult to undermine implementation of the law.”  After the arrest, her husband, whom she stated she believed turned her in to authorities, reportedly transferred all of her property and company shares to his name. According to The Epoch Times, in September a court sentenced Chen Huixia, a Falun Gong practitioner in Hebei Province, to 3.5 years in prison for “using an evil cult to undermine law enforcement,” according to Chen’s daughter.  Amnesty International said detention center officials tortured Chen and strapped her to an iron chair so that she was immobile.  Chen had been held with limited access to family and lawyers since 2016. According to Minghui, detained Falun Gong practitioners to various methods of physical and psychological coercion, such as sleep deprivation, in attempts to force them to renounce their beliefs. In June Pastor Yang Hua (also known as Li Guozhi) of the Livingstone Church – the largest unregistered church in Guizhou Province before the government shut it down in 2015 – completed his 2.5-year prison sentence for “divulging state secrets.”  According to Yang Hua, prison officials tortured him before and after his sentence to extract a confession to the alleged crime.  As a result of this as well as inadequate medical care in prison, Yang Hua developed vasculitis, leading to near paralysis of his legs, and became ill with diabetes.  His lawyers stated that authorities continued to surveil Yang Hua following his release from prison. Police arrested and otherwise detained leaders and members of religious groups, often those connected with groups not registered, as part of the state-sanctioned “patriotic religious associations.”  There were reports police used violence and beatings during arrest and detention.  Reportedly, authorities used vague or insubstantial charges, sometimes in connection with religious activity, to convict and sentence leaders and members of religious groups to years in prison.  Some previously detained persons were released. The Political Prisoner Database (PPDB) maintained by human rights NGO Dui Hua Foundation contained the following number of imprisoned religious practitioners at year’s end:  310 Protestants, 205 Church of Almighty God members, 136 Muslims, 22 Buddhists, and nine Catholics, compared with 308 Protestants, 277 Church of Almighty God members, 107 Muslims, 30 Buddhists, and nine Catholics at the end of 2017.  According to Dui Hua, these numbers are based on Dui Hua’s classification system for inclusion in the PPDB and are not the total number of religious prisoners.  The number of Muslim prisoners did not include 505 Uighur and 234 Kazakh prisoners, which Dui Hua classified as “ethnic prisoners.”  According to Dui Hua, these figures did not account for Muslims in “vocational skill education training centers.”  The PPDB listed 3,486 Falun Gong practitioners imprisoned at year’s end, compared with 3,516 at the end of 2017.  Dui Hua defined imprisoned religious practitioners as “people persecuted for holding religious beliefs that are not officially sanctioned.” Falun Gong reported that during the year authorities arrested or harassed approximately 9,000 citizens for refusing to renounce Falun Gong.  According to Minghui, authorities arrested 4,848 Falun Gong practitioners and harassed an additional 4,127.  Of those arrested, 2,414 remained in detention at year’s end. According to the Epoch Times, Sichuan Province security officials detained 78 Falun Gong practitioners in the province during the first six months of the year. International Falun Gong-affiliated NGOs and international media reported detentions of Falun Gong practitioners continued to increase around “sensitive” dates.  Authorities instructed neighborhood communities to report Falun Gong members to officials. The Church of Almighty God reported authorities arrested 11,111 of its members during the year, of which 2,392 remained in custody. On December 31, Radio Free Asia reported more than 100 riot police and People’s Armed Police in Yunnan’s Weishan County raided three mosques and forcibly evicted Hui Muslims for engaging in what they said were “illegal religious activities.”  Authorities injured several individuals who resisted the eviction.  Video footage showed police charging into a crowd of unarmed civilians and shoving, dragging, and beating them. On December 24, two police officers beat and kicked a Christian woman who was protesting the demolition of the TSPM church in Luyi County, Zhoukou City, Henan Province. Radio Free Asia reported that on September 5, uniformed officers in Nanyang, Henan Province, conducted raids on at least four Protestant churches, physically subduing passersby who asked about the raid. According to the NGO International Christian Concern, on November 21, more than 100 uniformed government officers raided the Beimen Catholic Church in the city of Ji’an in Jiangxi Province and injured four elderly Catholics who were defending the church. The New York Times reported on December 9, authorities in Sichuan Province raided the Early Rain Covenant Church – Chengdu’s highest-membership unregistered church – and detained more than 100 leaders, seminary students, and congregants.  This was the third time since May that officials raided the church for lacking proper registration.  ChinaAid reported authorities arrested 200 church members in May and another 17 in June.  One detainee publicly said officials struck him approximately 30 times as they interrogated him.  According to church members, police struck another individual in the face even though he had not resisted arrest.  In May authorities arrested lead Pastor Wang Yi, an outspoken critic of the government’s controls on religion, on allegations of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”  In December Wang and his wife Jiang Rong were both charged with “inciting subversion of state power,” which carries a potential sentence of life imprisonment.  As of year’s end, the whereabouts and conditions of many detainees remained unknown, including Wang and his wife, who were being held in unspecified locations. In anticipation of his arrest, Pastor Wang Yi wrote a letter titled “My Declaration of Faithful Disobedience,” which the Early Rain Church published following his detention on December 9.  He wrote, “I am filled with anger and disgust at the persecution of the church by this Communist regime, at the wickedness of their depriving people of the freedoms of religion and of conscience…I am not interested in changing any political or legal institutions in China … I’m not even interested in the question of when the Communist regime’s policies persecuting the church will change.  Regardless of which regime I live under now or in the future, as long as the secular government continues to persecute the church, violating human consciences that belong to God alone, I will continue my faithful disobedience.” Bitter Winter, an online magazine on religious liberty and human rights in China, reported that pastors across the country released a joint declaration in August supporting religious liberty and condemning the CCP’s revised Regulations on Religious Affairs.  At year’s end, more than 600 pastors, ministers, and church elders had signed the statement.  According to the report, the Bureau of Religious Affairs in every region was strictly monitoring all individuals who signed the letter and prohibiting them from traveling to Chengdu to support the Early Rain Church.  A statement released by the Early Rain Church said authorities had questioned and pressured more than half of the signatories.  Reportedly, authorities also raided and shut down churches because their pastors had signed the joint declaration. In March authorities in Yunnan Province convicted and sentenced Protestant pastor Cao “John” Sanqiang, a U.S. lawful permanent resident and Christian leader, to seven years in prison for “organizing others to illegally cross the border.” In January Radio Free Asia reported defense attorney Xiao Yunyang said the Yun County People’s Court in Yunnan Province sentenced six Christians to up to 13 years in prison for involvement in the Three Grades of Servants, which the government had designated a “cult.”  Authorities in Yunnan reportedly told lawyers defending the accused their licenses to practice would be reviewed.  Attorney Li Guisheng said the court revoked the status of lawyers defending Christians in a similar case in Fengqing County, Yunnan Province.  In April a court in Dali, Yunnan Province, sentenced Tu Yan to two years of imprisonment for participating in Three Grades of Servants activities.  As part of a case that involved more than 100 Christians in Yunnan Province, authorities arrested Tu in 2016, and held her in a detention center for more than 20 months before sentencing her.  Authorities originally charged Tu with “organizing and using a cult organization to undermine law enforcement.” In April the government sentenced Su Tianfu, Copastor with Yang Hua of the Livingstone Church, to a yearlong suspended sentence and a further six months of residential surveillance for “illegally possessing state secrets.”  Authorities also fined Su and Yang 7,053,710.68 RMB ($1.03 million) for collecting “illegal” donations from congregation members.  The government rejected Su’s appeal in which he said church members voluntarily donated the money to fund church activities. On November 16, Crux reported that Catholic bishop Peter Shao Zhumin of Wenzhou, recognized by the Vatican but not government authorities, had again been taken into custody.  The article stated Shao had been “subjected to several days of interrogation as in the Cultural Revolution” but gave no further details.  Authorities denied knowledge of his whereabouts.  According to the news agency Union of Catholic Asian (UCA) News, authorities released Shao on November 23 after detaining him for 14 days.  News sources said security officials detained Shao before Holy Week (April 9-15) 2017 and held him five days.  Authorities again subsequently detained Shao in May 2017 and released him on January 3, 2018.  Authorities have detained Shao several times since September 2016, reportedly to prevent him from assuming control of Wenzhou Diocese following the death of Bishop Vincent Zhu Weifan. UCA News also reported that Catholic priest Lu Danhua, who was taken into custody by officials of the Qingtian Religious Affairs Bureau in Wenzhou, Zhejiang in December 2017, was released November 22.  According to the report, a source said authorities detained Lu because they wanted to replace him at the Qingtian church with a priest from the CCPA. Media reported police detained Vincenzo Guo Xijin, the Vatican-appointed bishop of the Mindong area of Fujian Province, on March 26 after he reportedly declined to jointly lead an Easter ceremony with government-approved Bishop Vincenzo Zhan Silu, who was not recognized by the Holy See.  Police released him the next day.  In a compromise, authorities allowed Guo to lead the ceremony, provided he kept it “low key” and agreed not to wear his bishop’s insignia. On June 3, police arrested a Baptist preacher Liang Ziliang and his wife, Li Yinxiu, in Heshan, Guangdong Province, for distributing brochures about Christianity and carrying banners protesting abortion in a local park, according to ChinaAid.  Authorities held the couple at a detention center for several days. In June Xuanwu District Court, Nanjing City, Jiangsu Province, sentenced Falun Gong practitioner Ma Zehnyu to three years and fined him 30,000 RMB ($4,400) for mailing letters in defense of Falun Gong to some of China’s top leaders.  The Nanjing Intermediate People’s Court upheld his conviction in August.  Ma’s lawyers requested to meet with him in November, but authorities denied the request.  As of year’s end, Ma was serving his sentence in Suzhou Prison, Jiangsu Province.  Ma, who had been imprisoned previously, was arrested in September 2017 and authorities reportedly told him, “This time, we will let you die in jail.” On March 15, police arrested a Liaoning Province woman, Zhou Jinxia, after she traveled from Dalian to Beijing to attempt to share her Christian faith with President Xi Jinping, reported the Gospel Herald.  Zhou held up a sign in front of Zhongnanhai, the former imperial garden, which said, “God loves the people of the world and is calling out to Xi Jinping.”  Authorities immediately transported her back to Dalian where authorities criminally charged her. Radio Free Asia reported in July that authorities in Sichuan Province detained two Tibetan businessmen after they found the men in possession of photographs of the Dalai Lama. The government did not recognize religious groups not affiliated with the “patriotic religious associations” including unregistered Protestant (also known as “house” churches), Catholic, Muslim, and other groups, and continued to close down or hinder their activities.  At times, the closures reportedly were because the group or its activities were unregistered and other times because the place of worship reportedly lacked necessary permits. Some local governments continued to restrict the growth of unregistered Protestant church networks and cross-congregational affiliations.  Some officials reportedly still denied the existence of unregistered churches.  Although SARA said family and friends had the right to worship together at home – including prayer and Bible study – without registering with the government, authorities still regularly harassed and detained small groups that did so. In implementing the new regulations on religious affairs, authorities required unregistered religious groups to disband, leaving their congregations with the sole option of attending services under a state-sanctioned religious leader, rather than allow it to alter its legal status as an intact religious community. ChinaAid reported that after the religious affairs regulations went into effect on February 1, officials in 19 towns in Henan Province went door-to-door, urging Christians to attend the government-sponsored TSPM-affiliated Church instead of unregistered churches.  Reportedly, many Christians subsequently met secretly in their homes, afraid of public security agents. Sources said that local Public Security Bureaus in Liaoning Province began intensifying efforts to force the closure of dozens of unregistered “underground” churches and detained their pastors even before the revised Regulations on Religious Affairs went into effect February 1.  According to Bitter Winter, since March, authorities shut down at least 40 unregistered churches across Liaoning Province in cities such as Donggang, Anshan, Dandong, and Shenyang. According to a September Voice of America report, there were widespread reports indicating the government of Henan was waging a campaign against the province’s Christians by taking down crosses, demolishing churches, and erasing Christian slogans from church buildings.  According to Bitter Winter, in the past years there was the most severe “persecution against Christianity” in Henan Province. In late July religious affairs officials raided Chongqing Aiyan House Church and issued an order for the church to end all “illegal” religious activities.  Citing the new regulations, the officials told congregants they were conducting religious activities at an unregistered location and ordered them to attend religious services at a TSPM church instead.  Authorities warned congregants authorities would arrest them if they did not comply. On February 4, police shut down another house church in Qingxi Town, Dongguan, Guangdong Province, and dismissed more than 80 congregation members, warning them against future assembly. ChinaAid reported authorities in Xuzhou, Jiangsu Province, raided Dao’en Church on September 7, saying the Church had not registered with the government.  Authorities closed three of the Church’s five branches and pressured landlords to not renew leases for the Church, according to the report.  ChinaAid earlier reported authorities had fined the pastor and another minister of Dao’en Church 10,000 RMB ($1,500) and threatened to confiscate the Church’s offerings. Radio Free Asia reported that on September 9, authorities in Beijing shut down Zion Church, a large unregistered Protestant church led by Pastor Jin “Ezra” Mingzhi, saying it had broken rules by organizing mass gatherings without registering with authorities.  A church elder surnamed Yi said more than 100 police officers entered the church and detained some church members who tried to stop them shutting it down.  The church’s landlord canceled the contract even though the terms of the contract had not yet expired. Radio Free Asia reported in February that authorities in Shenzhen ordered a 3,000-member Protestant church, the Shekou One Country International Church, to close after a fire and safety inspection.  Also in February, authorities in Henan Province fined a Protestant house church in Yuzhou, citing violations of building and safety regulations, and stating the building was an illegal structure because the church failed to obtain required permissions when it was built. According to a source, local authorities in Liaoning Province charged underground church leaders with taking members’ money under false pretenses.  ChinaAid reported that on August 20, authorities visited a church in Shenyang they said was an “unapproved venue.”  Officials deemed church offerings illegal and forced the church to close by August 23.  On December 31, Radio Free Asia reported authorities sealed three mosques in Yunnan’s Weishan County after a protest, to prevent further use as they were pending demolition at year’s end.  A local source reportedly said local Muslims had submitted the right paperwork to register the mosques but were unsuccessful, and that the local state-sanctioned Islamic Association of China (IAC) approved of the closures. The South China Morning Post reported in August hundreds of Hui Muslims gathered outside the Weizhou Grand Mosque in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region to protest its demolition.  The mosque had been recently rebuilt, the second to replace Weizhou’s 600-year-old mosque that was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.  The article said although the government seemed to support the mosque’s construction in 2015, government officials said the mosque had not been granted the necessary planning and construction permits.  After days of negotiation, authorities and religious leaders agreed on an alternative plan:  instead of demolishing the mosque, the government would revamp the mosque and construction would only take place once everyone was happy with the renovation plan.  The government initially proposed removing eight of the mosque’s nine domes, but the local community opposed the idea. According to a Radio Free Asia report, local believers in Henan said authorities demolished or shut down over 100 churches and crosses in August. According to the Association for the Defense of Human and Religious Rights, on September 16, authorities in Zhengzhou, Henan Province demolished Yangzhai Zhen Jesus Church after forcing members to agree to the demolition by threatening their families’ livelihood. ChinaAid reported that on September 9, approximately 100 officials from the religious affairs and public security bureaus attempted to break into Dali Christian Church, in Zhengzhou, Henan Province, but more than 400 church members stopped them.  The officials left after handing the church a document that said the building was not a legal religious activities site and the religious department had not approved the day’s speaker, both violations of the revised Regulations on Religious Affairs.  Church members therefore immediately had to cease holding “illegal” religious events. Bitter Winter reported that from October 28 to November 1, authorities shut down or sealed off 35 Buddhist temples and memorial temples in the city of Xinmi, Henan Province. ChinaAid reported that on Sunday, January 14, more than 20 government agents closed an unregistered church in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, interrupting a service led by Lou Siping.  They informed the Christians gathered there that the building had not been registered and took 30 church members to the police station for questioning.  Authorities later demanded the church’s landlord cancel the church lease. In January police and local officials dynamited the 50,000-member Golden Lampstand (Jindengtai) Church in Linfen, Shanxi Province, according to Christian Solidarity Worldwide.  The state-run Global Times reported the destruction was part of a campaign against “illegal buildings.”  This church did not register with TSPM and reportedly had been involved in a dispute with local officials, who refused to grant the building permits when it was originally constructed. Bitter Winter reported the United Front Work Department of Shaanxi Province issued a document outlining a campaign against Buddhist and Daoist religious sites in the Qinling Mountains that the department said violated construction or processing regulations.  In July authorities destroyed Longhua Temple of Taiyi Town, Chang’an District, Xi’an City, saying it did not have a permit.  At the end of August authorities sent 100 armed police officers and two excavators to destroy the Jade Buddha Temple in Huyi District of Xi’an City, Shaanxi Province.  Several monks who lived at the temple were left homeless and, according to Bitter Winter sources, local villagers were not allowed to admit monks into their homes. ChinaAid reported government officials in Qiqihar, Heilongjiang Province, destroyed the St. Theresa Convent on December 18-19.  Nuns living at the convent received an eviction notice on the morning of December 18, and by 11:00 p.m., authorities began demolishing the site.  According to the report, church members said they believed authorities destroyed the convent to put pressure on congregations not registered with the government.  Following the convent’s demolition, the nuns were left temporarily homeless. A number of Catholic churches and bishops appointed by the pope remained unable to register with the CCPA.  The government and the Holy See still did not have diplomatic relations, and the Vatican had no representative in the country.  In September the Holy See and the China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs both announced that the two sides had reached a provisional agreement that would resolve a decades-long dispute concerning the authority to appoint bishops.  Neither provided details of the provisional agreement.  When speaking to media in late September, Pope Francis said there would be a “dialogue” on bishops who would be named by the pope.  At year’s end, there was no official explanation on what the mechanism would be for the Vatican and the government to make decisions regarding appointment of bishops.  The existing government regulation on the Election and Consecration of Bishops requires candidate bishops to publicly pledge to support the CCP.  Also in September the Vatican said the pope would be lifting the excommunication of seven bishops who had been ordained without the pope’s authority.  The Vatican subsequently appointed two of these men to lead dioceses and appointed the bishops it had formerly appointed in those dioceses (including Bishop Gua of Mingdon) as auxiliary bishops. In an interview in February, retired Archbishop of Hong Kong Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun condemned talks between the Holy See and the Chinese government.  Zen expressed concerns that a deal between the Holy See and the government would give too much power to authorities and would place the country’s Catholics in a “birdcage.” Unofficially, authorities tolerated members of foreigner groups meeting for private religious celebrations.  International churches received heavy scrutiny, as authorities forced them to require passport checks and registration for members to prevent Chinese nationals from attending “foreigner” services. In May SARA released draft Measures on the Administration of Foreigners’ Group Religious Activities in the Mainland Territory of the People’s Republic of China.  These regulations, which would apply to religious activities of groups containing 50 or more foreigners, would update regulations last issued in 1991.  The draft amendments stipulate where groups may hold religious activities, who can preside over and attend these activities, and who would be responsible for reporting activities to authorities and what kind of information about the participants they would be required to provide.  To obtain approval for their activities, groups would need to name three representatives who do not possess diplomatic immunity.  Foreign groups would need to allow the corresponding state-sanctioned religious association to assign a Chinese religious professional to preside over the function.  All other Chinese citizens would be barred from attending the activities of these foreign groups.  As of the end of the year, SARA had not announced the implementation of these regulations. The government continued to recognize as “lawful” only those religious activities it sanctioned and controlled through the “patriotic religious associations” or otherwise.  Government-accredited religious personnel had to conduct such activities and only in government-approved places of religious activity. SARA continued to maintain statistics on registered religious groups.  According to the SCIO’s report on religious policies and practice released in September 2017, there were 21 officially recognized Protestant seminaries, 57,000 clerical personnel, and 60,000 churches and other meeting places.  This report stated there were 91 religious schools in the country approved by SARA, including nine Catholic schools.  This report also stated there were six national level religious colleges.  Civil society groups reported the government closed CCPA-affiliated seminaries in Shanghai and Chengdu, Sichuan Province.  Although there were two CCPA seminaries in Beijing, civil society regarded one of them to be primarily used as the CCPA’s propaganda for international visitors. The state-run Global Times quoted Bishop Guo Jincai, Secretary General of the Bishops Conference of the Catholic Church in China, as stating there were 61 (CCPA-affiliated) Catholic bishops, 12 of them over the age of 80.  The Vatican did not previously recognize eight of these bishops, and had excommunicated three of them.  Crux, an online newspaper reporting on the Catholic Church, reported in September more than 37 Catholic bishops remained independent of the CCPA.  In some locations, local authorities reportedly pressured unregistered Catholic priests and believers to renounce all ordinations approved by the Holy See. The SCIO report also estimated there were 35,000 mosques, 57,000 imams, and 10 Quran institutes (religious seminaries under the auspices of IAC) in the country. Religious groups reported “patriotic religious associations” continued to be subject to CCP interference in matters of doctrine, theology, and religious practice.  Official “patriotic religious associations” regularly reviewed sermons and sometimes required church leaders to attend education sessions with religious bureau officials.  They also closely monitored and sometimes blocked the ability of religious leaders to meet freely with foreigners. As part of its efforts to implement the central government’s policy of Sinicization of religions, at a forum in Guizhou in September, TSPM leaders highlighted what they said was TSPM’s important role in helping China’s Christianity get rid of foreign influence during the last 68 years and helping Christian churches to truly gain sovereignty while strengthening Christians’ patriotism.  Religious scholars said they interpreted this statement as informal guidance for Christians to curtail all interactions with international Christian groups. At the end of August in Jiaozuo City, Henan Province, CCP officials forcibly occupied and converted multiple TSPM churches into communist party schools, cultural centers, and activity hubs.  Bitter Winter reported that in September at least 20 churches in Dengzhou City and more than 138 churches in Luoyang City, including some government-approved TSPM churches, were repurposed to suit government needs. According to sources, Northeast China had fewer unregistered churches than other parts of the country.  While still strictly controlled, the northeastern religious groups had reportedly enjoyed relatively more autonomy over their sermons and practices in past years.  Sources indicated that authorities closed some Sunday schools in Jilin, Liaoning, and Heilongjiang Provinces.  According to sources, until July authorities in Northeast China rarely enforced a rule preventing churches from holding services for minors under the age of 18.  Until recently, the updated religion regulations mainly affected unregistered churches.  In July authorities began scrutinizing registered churches in Liaoning more strictly, including pressuring young adults over the age of 18 not to attend church services.  Some churches reported also shutting down their college student services. There were reports of government officials, companies, and education authorities compelling members of house churches and other Christians to sign documents renouncing their Christian faith and church membership. In February many companies began requiring workers to sign a “no-faith commitment,” according to Bitter Winter.  Between April and August, local security personnel approached nearly 300 members of Zion Church in Beijing and pressured members to sign a document renouncing their church membership as well as their Christian faith. Radio Free Asia reported that in mid-September, the CCP took further steps to implement the ban on religious activity among government employees, including schoolteachers and medical personnel.  According to local Christians, authorities were asking teachers working in high schools in Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Henan Provinces to sign a letter pledging to hold no religious beliefs.  Christian believers said the crackdown on religious beliefs among teachers came alongside pressure on students, who are required to submit to an interview with school authorities if they declare religious beliefs on mandatory forms. World Watch Monitor, an online news site reporting on Christianity, reported in April that teachers forced more than 300 Christian children in two high schools in Zhejiang Province to fill out a form stating they did not adhere to any religion.  According to the report, the children were given a questionnaire about their faith and pressured to write they had no religion.  Those who did not comply reportedly were denied access to opportunities at school and faced the potential threat of not receiving certificates of completion, which would make them unable to attend college. In May ChinaAid reported education authorities in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province, asked students to state the religious beliefs of their families.  After identifying students whose parents were Catholic or another Christian denomination, authorities visited the parents in their homes to persuade them to give up their religious beliefs.  Some authorities used the parents’ employers to pressure parents to renounce their religious beliefs, including by withholding bonuses, according to the report. According to pastors and a group that monitors religion in China, the government was ordering Christians to sign papers renouncing their faith.  The New York Post reported in September that ChinaAid leadership released video footage of what appeared to be piles of burning Bibles and forms stating that signatories renounced their Christian faith.  ChinaAid leadership said this marked the first time since the Cultural Revolution that Christians had been compelled to make such declarations, under the fear of expulsion from school and the loss of welfare benefits. International media and NGOs reported on a nation-wide campaign to “Sinicize religion,” and the government restricted individuals’ ability to express or practice their religion in other ways. On March 28, in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province, the government launched a five-year plan on promoting the “Sinicization of Christianity.”  The plan outline advocated “incorporating the Chinese elements into church worship services, hymns and songs, clergy attire, and the architectural style of church buildings” and proposed to “retranslate the Bible or rewrite biblical commentaries.”  The government’s proposed plan to augment the content of the Bible in line with CCP policies fueled speculation in Christian groups that it was a reason the government began enforcing a ban on online Bible sales. According to the South China Morning Post, cities throughout Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region in north-central China reported efforts by authorities to replace Islamic structures and symbols with traditional Chinese iconography.  Individuals in Yinchuan reported bright red lamps with Chinese cloud designs replacing gray lamp posts with Islamic motifs and two round flat rings in the style of Chinese jade discs replacing two large crescent moon sculptures.  The local government banned Arab-style mosques and set out plans to convert existing mosques to resemble Chinese temples. Radio Free Asia reported in August that state-sanctioned religious associations had proposed a measure that would require all places of worship to fly the national flag.  Representatives at a conference in Beijing indicated that the national flag should be raised at religious venues during national holidays and during each religion’s important festivals and celebrations.  The measure also indicated that otherwise officials would place scrutiny on the places of worship. Authorities reportedly pressured churches to display banners with political ideology, recite the national anthem before singing Christian hymns, and engage in other acts demonstrating one’s loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party over the church. ChinaAid reported that in early July, more than 100 churches in Xinyu County, Jiangxi Province, received a warning from local authorities demanding they dismantle their crosses and replace them with an image of President Xi Jinping or the national flag.  Reportedly, government agents destroyed the crosses of churches that refused to dismantle their crosses. In September Pastor Zhang Liang reported authorities in Shangqiu, Henan Province, had begun requiring churches to flank the cross with a photograph of Chairman Mao Zedong on one side and President Xi Jinping on the other. According to Bitter Winter, on November 1, authorities in Luoning County, Henan Province ordered a government-approved TSPM church to remove one of the Ten Commandments from a sign displayed on its wall.  Authorities said President Xi Jinping opposed the commandment “You shall have no other gods before me,” and they wiped it off from the display.  Prior to this incident, media reported in August government officials had forcibly dismantled the church’s cross. In 2017, the Ningxia government initiated a campaign to remove Arabic translations from street signs, and by February 2018, Arabic logos for halal restaurants and butcher shops were removed and replaced by Chinese characters and pinyin.  In Tongxin, Hui County, Ningxia, the article stated the government barred party members from going to mosques for daily prayers or taking part in the Hajj, even after they retired from office.  Authorities also banned government workers from wearing white caps to work.  In Yinchuan, the capital of Ningxia, authorities banned calls to prayer on the grounds of noise pollution.  Government officials ordered the Quran and books on Islam removed from souvenir shops and ordered mosques to cancel public Arabic-language courses. Bitter Winter reported that authorities told Buddhist temple leaders in Xinmi, Henan Province, they had to take down banners and lock their doors because this was CCP Central Party Committee policy.  Authorities painted over the names of CCP members who had donated to the temples and whose names were displayed on the donors’ recognition steles.  According to the report, villagers said they saw the defacing of the donors’ steles as the coming of another Cultural Revolution. According to media reports, at least four cities and one province ordered restrictions on Christmas celebrations including bans on Christmas decorations, promotional activities in shops, Christmas-themed events, and public performances.  Authorities also increased law enforcement and patrols in the days leading up to December 25 to prevent any illegal Christmas celebrations.  Police in Kunming issued a notice prohibiting Christmas decorations and related activities in crowded places such as hotels, karaoke parlors, internet cafes, and bars.  The notice said, “It is forbidden to hang Christmas stockings, wear Christmas hats, and place Christmas trees, and so on.”  Officials sent a notice to churches in Zhoukou, Henan Province, requiring them to vet Christmas commemorations with the government, forbidding minors from participating in Christmas events, and limiting expenses to 2000 RMB ($290).  School administrators at a university in Shanghai canceled a student union’s Christmas celebration, and administrators warned students in Qingdao against celebrating Christmas. According to a brief statement released on August 28 by the National People’s Congress, the country’s new revised civil code would no longer retain the relevant content of family planning, which could scrap birth restrictions altogether.  The revised code, however, will not be completed until March 2020, and there is no indication yet how exactly the change would be made, or whether any other restrictions or conditions might remain on Chinese families. In December state-run media outlet the Global Times reported that the Gansu provincial market regulation bureau banned four provincial halal certifications for food, restaurants, dairy, and noodles.  The article cited an official at the Gansu Ethnic Affairs Commission who stated that one region and five provinces (Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region and Qinghai, Shaanxi, Henan, Yunnan, and Tianjin Provinces) would also restrict the use of halal certifications on various products.  The Ethnic Affairs Commission employee stated the province was restricting these standards in line with the CCP’s United Front Work Department requirement to “fight the pan-halal tendency.” Hui Muslims in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region and Gansu, Qinghai, and Yunnan Provinces continued to engage in religious practice with less government interference than did Uighurs, according to local sources.  Hui Muslims reported they were free to practice as they wished with regard to family customs such as fasting during Ramadan, clothing, prayer, and performing the Hajj.  They reported, however, they did not receive special accommodations for time to pray during their workday and were not given time off for Islamic holidays. In August the government of Hubei Province issued new regulations on the commercialization of the Buddhist and Daoist religions stating all activities of any religion must be confined to the private sphere and strictly prohibiting religious iconography in the public sphere. Authorities increased social media and other surveillance on religious groups.  According to Bitter Winter, church leaders in Hebei and Henan Provinces had begun warning their church members that their social media accounts were under surveillance and cautioned them not to transmit religious content. Christian organizations seeking to use social media and smartphone applications to distribute Christian materials reported the government increased censorship of these materials. In July Radio Free Asia reported authorities in Malho, Qinghai Province, tightened controls on social media and deployed large numbers of armed police to Tibetan villages to discourage celebrations of the July 6 birthday of the Dalai Lama.  Authorities warned managers of social media chat groups to restrict sharing any secret or internal information by Tibetans and to keep an eye out for attempts to organize celebrations of the spiritual leader. The Wall Street Journal reported in July that the IAC required Chinese Muslims departing for Mecca in Saudi Arabia to wear customized smart cards with personal data and a GPS tracker. In September Pastor Zhang Liang reported the Chinese government had tightened its control over his church’s operations in Shangqiu, Henan Province.  Zhang said the government was installing “information officers” to report on “antigovernment” activities and behavior seen as a threat to social stability. In April Beijing authorities ordered an unregistered church, Zion Church, to install 24 closed-circuit surveillance cameras inside the church, according to Reuters.  After church leadership refused this order, police and security personnel harassed and threatened church members and ultimately forced the eviction of the church.  In November the State Security Bureau installed surveillance equipment including multiple surveillance cameras inside an officially registered Protestant church in Lanzhou, Gansu Province, including in washrooms, according to Bitter Winter. Authorities continued to restrict the printing and distribution of the Bible and other religious literature, and government prepared regulations to extended control of online postings by religious groups. The government limited distribution of Bibles to CCPA and TSPM/Chinese Christian Council entities such as churches, church bookshops inside churches, and seminaries.  Individuals could not order Bibles directly from publishing houses.  Members of unregistered churches reported the supply and distribution of Bibles was inadequate, particularly in rural locations.  There were approximately 11 provincial TSPM Christian publishers.  Authorities only allowed the national TSPM and CCPA to publish the Bible legally.  According to reports, while there were no independent domestic Christian booksellers, publishers without a religious affiliation could publish Christian books.  Approximately 20 distribution centers and bookstores were linked to the national TSPM.  In addition, authorities reportedly allowed churches with more than 2,000 members to sell books at their church facilities.  Approximately 700 churches had such bookstores.  During the year, authorities continued to limit the number of Christian titles that could be published annually, with draft manuscripts closely reviewed.  Authorities also restricted the ability of some bookstores to sell Christian books. While only government-sanctioned bodies that oversee Christian churches were officially able to sell the Bible, a South China Morning Post article reported that authorities had tended to look the other way.  The article also reported that on several visits in April Ministry of Culture inspectors told the Christian bookstores they could no longer sell “foreign books.” Radio Free Asia reported that starting April 2, online selling platforms Taobao, JD.com, and Dangdang banned the sale of Bibles without international standard book numbers (ISBNs) and related spiritual books, according to a Taobao seller.  A New York Times article said the government banned online retailers from selling the Bible, and on leading online stores, internet searches for the Bible came up empty.  The article also reported that Christianity was the only major religion in China whose major holy text “cannot be sold through normal commercial channels.”  As of the end of the year, at least one dual-language (English and Chinese) Bible and two foreign-published English language Bibles were sold on some online sites.  Bibles in Chinese only were still unavailable for online purchase, however. Bitter Winter reported that in Anshan Prefecture, Liaoning Province, police imposed a 400,000 RMB ($58,200) fine on any church discovered with an “unofficial” version of the Bible.  Faced with these pressures, underground churches reported gathering far less frequently and breaking up into small groups that moved around and held services at different locations. The government continued to allow some foreign educational institutions to provide religious materials in Chinese, which are used by both registered and unregistered religious groups. In September the Associated Press reported the government posted draft rules regulating religious activity on the internet that would impose tight limits on what could be said or posted, including a ban on criticizing official religious policies and promoting religion among minors.  The draft regulations would require anyone wishing to provide religious instruction or similar services online to apply by name and have authorities deem them morally fit and politically reliable.  They also would prohibit livestreaming of religious activities, including praying, preaching, or burning incense. According to Bitter Winter, the draft rules regulating religious activity on the internet would force churches to obtain licenses so the Chinese government could control what religious information is posted online. The government continued limitations on religious education. The South China Morning Post reported in January education officials from the local government in Guanghe County, a largely Hui Muslim area in Gansu Province, banned children from taking part in religious education during the Lunar New Year break.  Officials did not allow children to attend religious events, read scripture in classes, or enter religious venues during the holiday, and instructed teachers and students to “strengthen political ideology and propaganda.”  Officials also implemented similar restrictions in Linxia, the capital city of the Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture, Gansu Province. Starting in April authorities reportedly pressured churches to prevent children under 18 years old from attending services or otherwise studying the Bible.  Local government departments of religious affairs in Henan, Shandong, and Anhui Provinces released public letters announcing juveniles could not enter religious venues or attend religious education activities.  One announcement in Xinxiang City, Henan Province stated the purpose of these measures was to ensure minors do not believe in religion, enter religious places, participate in religious activities, or participate in religious training classes.  The same message was delivered in other locations.  AsiaNews reported in April a joint notice from the Henan Catholic Patriotic Association and the Henan Commission for Church Affairs required the religious bodies to adhere to the principle of “separating religion from education,” and in particular prohibit religious associations from organizing activities of any type to disseminate religious education to minors and effectively prohibit minors from attending church. In August Open Doors USA, a Christian nonprofit organization, reported that in Shangrao, Jiangxi Province, more than 40 churches hung slogans that said “Non-locals are prohibited form preaching; no underage people allowed in church.” Radio Free Asia reported that on October 25, state security agents prevented more than 100 Protestants from unrecognized churches from traveling to a religious training event in South Korea hosted by a U.S. church.  Saying the participants would “likely damage national security,” airport police in Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong issued travel bans on the conference participants. Radio Free Asia reported in July that authorities in Dzachuka, a Tibetan-populated region of Sichuan Province, forced Buddhist monks aged 15 and younger to leave their monasteries and placed them in government-run schools.  Authorities strictly limited the number of monks and nuns enrolled at the monasteries and forced those remaining to take part in classes promoting loyalty to the country and the ruling CCP. On April 16, approximately 20 officials from Fujian Province’s Xiamen Education Bureau and the Ethnic and Religious Affairs Bureau conducted a surprise inspection, without warrants, of a kindergarten operated by a local, unregistered house church.  Authorities said the kindergarten operation was illegal.  Authorities reportedly tried to confiscate religious teaching materials and shut down the school, but faculty members and parents prevented them from doing so. On June 20, Liang Liuning, Deputy Director General of the Guangxi Ethnic and Religious Affairs Commission, held two lectures for more than 100 Islamic clerics and administrators on the essence of the 19th Party Congress and the implementation of the revised Regulations on Religious Affairs. Individuals seeking to enroll at an official seminary or other institution of religious learning had to obtain the support of the corresponding official “patriotic religious association.”  The government continued to require students to demonstrate “political reliability,” and political issues were included in examinations of graduates from religious schools.  Both registered and unregistered religious groups reported a shortage of trained clergy due in part to government controls on admission to seminaries. The government reportedly discriminated in employment against members of religious groups it identified as “cults” and others and prevented employees from participating in religious activities. In February the Guiyang-based Yunnan District People’s Court specified in its recruitment notice for judicial assistants that individuals who previously participated in “illegal religious activities” or “cult-organized activities” could not apply for the position. On February 18, formerly jailed Jiangmen house church clergyman Ruan Haonan said it was almost impossible for a blacklisted “cult” member to find a decent job.  Ruan was a chef before he worked full time at a house church in Heshan City.  He said authorities warned each employer Ruan contacted, and as a result, no employer dared offer him a job.  Heshan police arrested Ruan on June 12, 2017, for sabotaging law enforcement by utilizing and organizing “heretic cult organizations” and released him on bail with restricted movement in July 2017.  ChinaAid reported that while on bail, authorities required Ruan to report to the Public Security Bureau every three months and to obtain permission before traveling. According to sources, individuals with Christian affiliations in Northeast China faced difficulties with career enhancement or government employment.  Government officials or employees tied to state-affiliated organizations often attempted to hide their religious beliefs to avoid discrimination.  The sources said it was one reason some believers choose to attend unregistered rather than official churches. Healthcare professionals were required to discover, stop, and report violations of law regarding religion, including among family, friends, and neighbors, according to a letter issued to staff at the Yueqing Maternal and Child Health Hospital in Wenzhou, Zhejiang Province.  Any staff organizing or participating in religious activities in the hospital could be fired.  Staff were banned from wearing any clothing linked to a religious belief.  Staff were also considered to have committed a violation if they did not adhere to the pledge not to follow any religion or participate in religious activities.  The hospital’s letter stated violations of this policy would lead to “education.”  Hospitals in Xinyu, Jiangxi Province, posted banners and notices against religious beliefs as well. Authorities took other actions against “cults.”  On March 17, Guangzhou’s Huadu District Political and Law Commission hosted an anticult organization event in Hongshan Village for local students.  After the event, many students vowed to stay away from any “cult” organization and signed their names on the anticult signature wall. In April Fujian Province’s Zhangpu County Government and Zhangzhou Justice Department redesigned a local public park giving it an anticult theme to promote the results of the 19th Party Congress and related anticult laws and raise awareness of the influence of “cults.” On April 24, the Foshan Municipal CCP Political and Legal Commission, the Guangdong University of Finance and Economics’ Shanshui Campus (Foshan), and the Guangdong Legal Studies Institute Shanshui Campus jointly launched an anticult campaign highlighting the influence of “cults” on state security, social developments, and family lives. On February 24, the Guangdong Provincial Anti-Heretic Cult Association posted a letter drafted by former Guangzhou Falun Gong member Zhang Zhiming denouncing Falun Gong as a “cult organization” that had jeopardized his work and ruined his family life. In September Jiangxi Province’s commission on religious affairs published an article indicating changes to the basic nature of religious control in the province.  The article stated all religious activities should be “amiable and gentle” and that they should contribute to the unity of the people. On November 29, The Telegraph reported that local authorities in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region had signed a “cooperation antiterrorism agreement” with Xinjiang officials to “learn from the latter’s experiences in promoting social stability.”  As part of these efforts, the Communist Party head of Ningxia, Zhang Yunsheng, went to Xinjiang to learn about combatting terrorism and managing religious affairs.  According to a senior researcher at Human Rights Watch, there was a growing fear among Chinese that the Xinjiang model could spread across the country and have grave consequences for religious freedom. Government policy continued to allow religious groups to engage in charitable work.  Regulations specifically prohibited faith-based organizations from proselytizing while conducting charitable activities.  Authorities required faith-based charities, like all other charitable groups, to register with the government.  Once registered as an official charity, authorities allowed them to raise funds publicly and to receive tax benefits.  The government did not permit unregistered charitable groups to raise funds openly, hire employees, open bank accounts, or own property.  According to several unregistered religious groups, the government required faith-based charities to obtain official cosponsorship of the registration application by the local official religious affairs bureau.  Authorities often required these groups to affiliate with one of the five “patriotic religious associations.” The government continued its efforts to restrict the movement of the Dalai Lama.  After the Dalai Lama visited Sweden in September, Global Times reported the government consistently firmly opposed the decision of any country to allow such a visit, adding “…some countries still turn a deaf ear, taking chances to challenge China’s bottom line.” In October ChinaAid reported that since the second week of September, a CCP-backed militant group, United Wa State Army, had arrested more than 200 Christian pastors and missionaries in territory the group controls in Shan State, Burma, according to Lahu Baptist Church, a local church in Burma.  At least 100 were released after guards forced prisoners to sign a pledge they would pray only at home, rather than at churches.  According to the report, many observers believed close ties between United Wa State Army and China fueled these actions. Section III. Status of Societal Respect for Religious Freedom Because the government and individuals closely link religion, culture, and ethnicity, it was difficult to categorize many incidents of societal discrimination as being solely based on religious identity.  The Council on Foreign Relations reported religious and ethnic minority groups, such as Tibetan Buddhists and Uighur Muslims, experienced institutionalized discrimination throughout the country because of both their religious beliefs and their status as ethnic minorities with distinct languages and cultures.Anti-Muslim speech in social media remained widespread, despite the government’s announcement in September 2017 that it would censor some anti-Muslim expression on the internet. In some online forums, anti-Muslim speech regarding the Hui Muslims in Shadian, Yunnan Province persisted.  Some individuals said imams in Shadian colluded with Rohingya Muslims from Burma on drug use and drug trafficking in Shadian.  Other criticisms in these online forums include labelling the imams in Shadian as radicals for encouraging Hui Muslims in the city to marry Rohingya individuals and not to send their children to school. Despite labor law provisions against discrimination in hiring based on religious belief, some employers openly discriminated against religious believers.  Some Protestant Christians reported employers terminated their employment due to their religious activities.  There were also reports from Falun Gong practitioners that employers dismissed them for practicing Falun Gong.  In some instances, landlords discriminated against potential or current tenants based on their religious beliefs.  Falun Gong practitioners reported having a very difficult time finding landlords who would rent them apartments.  Following government crackdowns in May and December, members of the Early Rain Covenant Church in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, reported local authorities pressured their landlords to evict them due to their affiliation with the unregistered church.  The members also said their universities and employers received pressure from the local authorities to expel them from the schools or terminate their employment. The Guardian reported Uighurs faced difficulty in finding accommodation because local hotels frequently told Uighur visitors no rooms were available.  One individual, who was initially mistaken as a foreigner, said hotel staff denied him entry to a hotel after they saw the word Uighur on his Chinese identification card.  Hotels are required to report on guests to local police authorities, and hoteliers could face punishment for hosting Uighurs. On April 19, the son of a pastor from the Shenzhen-based Canaan House Church in Guangdong Province said the church’s landlord relented to authorities’ pressure to terminate the lease and cut off the church’s electrical supply.  The pastor’s son said the church faced “constant persecution” after unidentified people repeatedly harassed the church, broke into the church’s property, and requested members leave the building for what authorities said were safety or fire hazards. On July 5, a Uighur woman in Shenzhen, Guangdong Province reportedly posted a letter online addressed to Shenzhen Party Secretary Wang Weizhong complaining about the frustrating restrictions she experienced as an ethnic minority in finding a rental apartment.  The Uighur woman identified herself as a CCP member holding a senior management position in a big company in Shenzhen.  After receiving discouraging messages from the local community, several landlords broke her rental contracts.  Local officials told the woman they required her landlord and her to report in person each week to the police, which she said no landlord wanted to do.  The woman was staying in a colleague’s apartment at year’s end. Section IV. U.S. Government Policy and Engagement The Vice President, Secretary of State, Ambassador, and other embassy and consulates general representatives repeatedly and publicly expressed concerns about abuses of religious freedom.  The Vice President, Secretary of State, Deputy Secretary of State, United States Ambassador to the United Nations, and the Ambassador for International Religious Freedom met with survivors of religious persecution or their family members, from the Uighur Muslim, Tibetan Buddhist, and Protestant communities at the July Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom in Washington.  At the ministerial, the Vice President said, “religious persecution is growing in both scope and scale in the world’s most populous country, the People’s Republic of China….together with other religious minorities, Buddhists, Muslims, and Christians are often under attack.”  On September 21, the Secretary of State said, “Hundreds of thousands and possibly millions of Uighurs are held against their will in so-called reeducation camps where they’re forced to endure severe political indoctrination and other awful abuses.  Their religious beliefs are decimated.  And we’re concerned too about the intense new government crackdown on Christians in China, which includes heinous actions like closing churches, burning Bibles, and ordering followers to sign papers renouncing their faith.”At the ministerial the United States, Canada, Kosovo, and the United Kingdom issued a statement that said, “As representatives of the international community, we are deeply concerned about the significant restrictions on religious freedom in China and call on the Chinese government to respect the human rights of all individuals.  Many members of religious minority groups in China – including Uighurs, Hui, and Kazakh Muslims; Tibetan Buddhists; Catholics; Protestants; and Falun Gong – face severe repression and discrimination because of their beliefs.  These communities consistently report incidents, in which the authorities allegedly torture, physically abuse, arbitrarily arrest, detain, sentence to prison, or harass adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and peaceful practices.” Embassy officials met regularly with a range of government officials managing religious affairs, both to advocate for greater religious freedom and tolerance and to obtain more information on government policy on the management of religious affairs. Embassy officials, including the Ambassador, urged government officials at the central and local levels, including those at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the State Council, to implement stronger protections for religious freedom and release prisoners of conscience.  The Ambassador highlighted religious freedom in private diplomacy with senior officials.  The Department of State, embassy, and consulates general regularly called upon the government to release prisoners of conscience, including individuals imprisoned for religious reasons. The Ambassador, Consuls General in Chengdu, Guangzhou, Shanghai, Shenyang, and Wuhan, and other embassy and consulate general officials met with religious groups as well as academics, NGOs, members of registered and unregistered religious groups, and family members of religious prisoners to reinforce U.S. support for religious freedom.  For example, while in Yunnan Province, the Ambassador visited two long-standing Christian churches in areas heavily populated by religious minorities, meeting with local clergy members.  The Consul General similarly met with Muslim and Christian leaders in Yunnan Province.  Embassy and consulate general officials hosted events around religious holidays and conducted roundtable discussions with religious leaders to convey the importance of religious pluralism in society and learn about issues facing religious communities.  The embassy arranged for the introduction of religious officials to members of U.S. religious communities and U.S. government agencies that engaged with those communities. Throughout the year, the embassy and consulates general reached large local audiences with messages promoting respect, understanding, and tolerance for religious diversity.  Through a series of lectures by academics and government officials, the embassy and consulates general discussed with audiences a number of religious freedom topics.  In January an embassy-sponsored visitor discussed with a Beijing audience the role religious organizations played in shaping public and private institutions in the United States.  Also in January a consulate general officer led a discussion in Guangzhou, Guangdong Province, about the U.S. Muslim community, addressing questions about religious conflict, highlighting the connection between freedom of religion and free speech, and sparking a debate about the extent to which a diverse society must exercise tolerance toward minorities.  In May an official at the Consulate General in Shenyang provided a historical perspective on major U.S. religions, detailed the constitution’s protection of religious expression, and led the audience in a discussion that included comments about rule of law, civil rights, and racial equality.  In June the embassy held a discussion about the evolving interaction between the gay community and religious communities in the United States, with a focus on the interaction of religious groups and social change.  Later in June an officer of the Consulate General in Shanghai explained recent U.S. legal cases involving freedom of religion, and facilitated audience discussion of the contours of proper legal protections for religious groups.  The embassy hosted a presentation in July by a film director about her documentary portraying attempts by Muslims to increase gender equality within their community.  The director engaged an audience of hundreds in a discussion about the value of equality and tolerance within and across religious traditions.  That same month, an officer at the Consulate General in Guangzhou presented research on religion in politics, including the historical role of religious congregations in political activism. The embassy amplified Department of State religious freedom initiatives directly to Chinese citizens through postings to the embassy website and to Weibo, WeChat, and Twitter accounts.  A series of six posts about the July Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom garnered over six million views on these social media accounts, and 46,141 direct engagements by netizens.  A set of four posts regarding the 2017 International Religious Freedom Report received 1.4 million views.  The embassy social media team shared religious holiday greetings from the President, Secretary of State, and Ambassador.  This included well wishes on the occasion of special religious days for Muslims, Jews, Christians, and Tibetan Buddhists.  Millions of local citizens viewed these holiday messages, and the messages often sparking further comments and questions, such as, “A great country must have a broad mind!,” “Society has reached the point where one is not even allowed to read the Bible,” and “How do you protect the religious freedom of atheists?”  Over the course of the year, the embassy and the consulates general regularly addressed questions of religious tolerance raised by some of the millions of online followers, offering them uniquely U.S. perspectives on religious freedom and tolerance. Authorities continually harassed and intimidated religious leaders to dissuade them from speaking with U.S. officials.  Authorities interrupted a meeting between the abbot of a prominent Tibetan Buddhist monastery and the Chengdu Consul General, quickly removing the abbot from the scene.  Authorities regularly prevented members of religious communities from attending events at the embassy and consulates general, and security services questioned individuals who did attend.  For example, in Guiyang, Guizhou Province, officials followed and harassed a prominent pastor and his family after he met with the Consul General from Chengdu.  On at least three occasions during the year security officials threatened Tibetan Buddhist leaders and forced them to cancel meetings with high-level U.S. government visitors to southwest China at the last minute.  In one instance, in April they interrogated a Tibetan Buddhist abbot and delayed his return to his home monastery in another province after authorities learned about his meeting with the Deputy Chief of Mission. On December 11, the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom said “the treatment of Muslims, Christians, Tibetan Buddhists, and Falun Gong practitioners over a long period were reasons to keep China as a Country of Particular Concern. Since 1999, China has been designated as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 for having engaged in or tolerated particularly severe violations of religious freedom.  On November 28, the Secretary of State redesignated China as a CPC and identified the following sanction that accompanied the designation:  the existing ongoing restriction on exports to China of crime control and detection instruments and equipment, under the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 1990 and 1991 (Public Law 101-246), pursuant to section 402(c)(5) of the Act.

请注意： 美国国务院对下列名录中所列的单位或各人的专业能力或专业声誉以及服务质量不承担责任。加入该名录并不意味国务或政府部门为其进行背书。各名称按字母顺序排列，排列顺序并无其他意义。名录所载信息均由当地服务机构直接提供， 国务院不能证实名录所含信息的内容。 中华人民共和国，一般称为中国，国土面积964万平方公里，与美国国土面积相似。据2007年人口普查的数据显示中国人口数量为13亿2千7百万，比世界上其它国家的人口都要多。中国政府是一个自1949年起由中国共产党领导的一党制政府。始于20世纪70年代末的市场化改革已然开启了经济发展的新时代而且已使很多人的生活水准得到了极大提升。中国的主要城市包括北京（首都）、上海、天津、重庆、广州、沈阳、青岛、武汉和成都。 Embassy of the People’s Republic of China, Washington DC, United States 中国大使馆 Chinese Consulate General in Chicago 中国驻芝加哥总领事馆 Chinese Consulate General in Houston 中国驻休斯敦总领事馆 Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles 中国驻洛杉矶总领事馆 Chinese Consulate General in New York 中国驻纽约总领事馆 Chinese Consulate General in San Francisco 中国驻旧金山总领事馆 信息来源： 自2019年4月1日起，中国民政机构将不再为双方均为外籍的人员办理婚姻登记并出具中国结婚证。一方为外籍另一方为中国公民的仍可正常办理婚姻登记。此新规定于2019年3月29日颁布，已在全国范围内生效。有关此规定的详情请点击中国民政部的网站http://www.mca.gov.cn/article/xw/tzgg/201903/20190300016006.shtml （仅有中文信息）或拨打他们的热线电话962200咨询。 美国公民与中国公民在中国登记结婚之前，应先了解相关的中国政府办事程序。在中国结婚需根据中国相关法律进行登记。与普遍的看法不同，美国外交官员和使馆官员无权主持婚礼并见证婚姻。原因在于，根据美国宪法，管理民政事务的权利分属各州。因此，禁止美国联邦政府雇员、美国使馆官员越权，侵犯各州的职责。 现行的《中华人民共和国婚姻法》要求结婚登记手续由各地民政局婚姻登记处完成。计划结婚的美国公民应该在其未婚夫/妻户口所在地的婚姻登记处咨询并办理。 收到登记结婚申请后，民政部门将核实双方是否达到最低结婚年龄（尽管某些地方民政部门确定的最低年龄可能略高，但一般应达到男22岁，女20岁），双方是否单身或能够自由结婚。有过婚史的人需要提交离婚证明或前配偶死亡证明的原件或经过公证的复印件。办理结婚登记时，当地婚姻登记处通常会要求美国公民一方提供下列材料： 如要了解登记结婚的中国公民需提交哪些文件，请咨询其户口所在地的婚姻登记处。通常情况下，结婚证在申请当日发放。在婚姻登记辖区视为合法的婚姻在美国同样合法，无须在美国重复结婚。

Please note: The Department of State assumes no responsibility or liability for the professional ability or reputation of, or the quality of services provided by, the entities or individuals whose names appear on the following lists. Inclusion on this list is in no way an endorsement by the Department or the U.S. government. Names are listed alphabetically, and the order in which they appear has no other significance. The information on the list is provided directly by the local service providers; the Department is not in a position to vouch for such information. Country Specific Information (CSI) is also available on the State Department’s website travel.state.gov. The People’s Republic of China, commonly referred to as “China,” is approximately equal to the United States in total land area with 9.64 million square kilometers. A 2007 population estimate held that China is home to 1.327 billion people, more than any other nation in the world. The government of the People’s Republic is a single-party state run by the Chinese Communist Party since 1949. Market-oriented reforms beginning in the late 1970’s have ushered in an era of economic development and, for many, vastly improving living standards. China’s major cities include Beijing (the capital), Shanghai, Tianjin, Chongqing, Guangzhou, Shenyang, Qingdao, and Wuhan. Sources of Information As of April 1, 2019, two foreigners are not allowed to register their marriage at Civil Affairs offices in China (marriages between a foreigner and Chinese national are still permitted.)  This means that two foreigners can no longer obtain a Chinese marriage certificate.  This new regulation was published on March 29, 2019, and went into effect nationwide as of today.  The details of this announcement can be found here: http://www.mca.gov.cn/article/xw/tzgg/201903/20190300016006.shtml (in Chinese only)  or you can call the Civil Affairs hotline at 962200.  U.S. citizens contemplating marriage to a Chinese citizen in China should review the following information. This information is given for general background reference only.  You or your fiancée should check with local authorities for any changes that might have been made. Marriages in China are registered according to the laws of China.  U.S. diplomatic and consular officers do not have the authority to perform marriages and are not required to witness the marriages of U.S. citizens that take place overseas. Under the U.S. Constitution, the administration of civil affairs is one of the powers reserved for states.  Thus, as federal government employees, U.S. consular officers are prohibited from usurping this state role. Marriages in China are administered by the marriage registration office of the local civil affairs bureau, (民政局Min Zheng Ju) in each jurisdiction.  People planning to marry should visit or call one of these offices for specific information. The appropriate civil affairs office will be the one in the jurisdiction in which the Chinese citizen is registered (the location of their 户口hukou). While the minimum age for marriage is generally 20 for women and 22 for men, some civil affairs offices may have a higher minimum age.  Both parties must establish that they are single and free to marry.  If you have been previously married, you will be asked to submit original or certified copies of your final divorce or annulment decrees, or of death certificates, if widowed.  Note that at least one party of a marriage must be a Chinese citizen. The U.S. citizen will usually be asked by the local authorities to submit the following documentation in order to be married: Questions regarding what documents the Chinese partner must submit should be directed to the local marriage registration office (Hun Yin Deng Ji Chu 婚姻登记处). Marriage certificates are usually issued on the same day the registration takes place.  Marriages that are legal in the jurisdiction in which they were performed are legal in the United States.  It is not necessary to register your marriage at the Embassy, Consulate, or in the United States, nor do you need to re-marry in the United States. Pets to the United States Thinking of taking your pet home with you to the United States?  Be sure that your dogs and cats get rabies vaccinations prior to traveling to the United States. The vaccine must have been administered at least 30 days, but no longer than 12 months, before the animal arrives in the United States.  For more information on importing pets into the United States, please see the United States Department of Agriculture Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service. Transporting Pets The Independent Pet and Animal Transportation Association maintains information regarding shipping pets internationally. The U.S. Embassy in Beijing has prepared this informal guide to provide those planning to teach English in China with some basic information.  The sources for the information provided in this guide are listed at the end of the guide. This is a non-official advisory document and the information may not apply to every school and situation. The U.S. State Department is not responsible for any individual’s reliance on this document in negotiating employment.  Every school and province in China has its own regulations and interested people should contact the local authorities for more detailed information. While many Americans have enjoyed their teaching experience in China, others have encountered significant problems.  Some teachers travel to China under a contract with promises of a good salary, bonuses, and other amenities, only to find themselves in tenuous situations, often lacking funds to return to the United States.  You should verify the conditions and terms of employment with your school before accepting a teaching position in China.  The U.S. Embassy cannot act as a legal advisor or negotiate business or personal grievances on behalf of individual citizens.  We can neither investigate nor certify employers.  It is up to each individual to evaluate potential employers before signing a contract. If you have any further questions, please do not hesitate to contact the U.S. Embassy or Consulate. OVERVIEW The key to successful employment as an English language instructor in China is to be employed by a reputable school or company and negotiate a well-written contract before leaving the U.S. We advise anyone considering accepting an English teaching job in China to carefully review the terms of the contract regarding working and living conditions.  It would also be useful to ask for references from people familiar with the institution, especially former and current U.S. citizen employees. This guide addresses types of positions available in China, visa matters, contract considerations, sources of information, cultural pitfalls to consider, tips on adapting to China, and how the U.S. State Department can help. TYPES OF ESL POSITIONS AVAILABLE IN CHINA English teachers in China are employed in a wide variety of institutions.  A brief description of the different options available follows.  Please keep in mind that regardless of the type of institution in which you teach, the institution must have a license to hire foreign teachers in order for you to teach legally.  You will need to verify the credentials of the school, university, or institute you are considering before entering into any type of agreement. Kindergartens Teaching English in kindergartens in a large city such as Beijing, Shanghai, or Guangzhou can require little preparation or outside work. This can be the highest paying teaching job available, but generally does not include rent or a plane ticket, and may require more than 20 teaching hours per week. Boarding Schools Boarding schools are fairly common in China, and spread throughout the countryside surrounding large cities. These jobs often include an apartment and reimbursement for an international flight upon completion of the contract. They often also allow for travel, with a one month vacation for spring festival, two months for summer, and two weeks of paid vacation. The age range of the children varies. Summer and Winter Camps These camps often last from one week to one month and can be intense work environments.  This can be a good option for those interested in teaching in China, but unwilling to make a long-term commitment. Business English Teaching Teaching English for a private business program usually requires a TEFL (Teaching English as a Foreign Language) certification. It may also require prior experience teaching adult English, a degree in ESL, or prior business experience.  These jobs generally comprise a heavy workload, often exceeding 20 hours a week with evening and weekend hours. However, the students in this setting are very eager to learn and work hard. The company may provide lesson plans and may provide a housing allowance in addition to the base salary. Private Language Institutions Private language institutes abound in China.  Some are well-established, while others can be small and short-lived.  Instructors in these institutes typically teach conversation oriented classes, and occasionally teach writing as well.  Pupils range from grade school students to business people.  Consequently, student skill levels vary widely.  Also, these institutions generally have a very high student turnover rate.  Pay rates are dependent upon the individual institution and the number of hours worked (typically 20-30 hours per week, often including early mornings, evenings, and weekends, to accommodate pupils’ schedules). University Departments Many universities in China have a foreign language or English department. Requirements for teachers vary depending on the university and the level of classes taught; however, a master’s degree or a doctorate may qualify you to work as a ‘Foreign Expert’ in a university and to teach more advanced courses for much more pay than a ‘Foreign Teacher’ receives. Undergraduate classes will be larger, while graduate classes tend to be smaller and offer more personal contact with students.  Salaries also vary from university to university, though most include housing on or near the university campus. Advanced Degree Programs If you have a master’s degree, particularly an MBA, you can make a good salary working as a professor for a master’s degree program at a university. The teaching load is light, but you will have to hold office hours and do significant preparation for lectures, paper assignments, and exams. Career Teaching Options for career teachers include private college preparatory programs for Chinese students, international schools teaching children of expatriates, and universities teaching higher-level students; however, these jobs are often extremely competitive. Private Teaching and Tutoring Private teaching and tutoring are very common in China, and there is great demand for native English speakers, particularly in the larger cities.  However, in order to do so legally, written consent from your full-time employer is required. If you are interested in giving private language lessons, include a stipulation in your contract allowing you to devote a certain number of hours per week to private teaching. Other Options Opportunities outside of the traditional English teaching sphere are plentiful in China, though not always easy to obtain.  Native English speakers have found work in a variety of industries, such as media (editing or writing for state run foreign-language media companies or private companies), freelance writing, educational services (recording English dialogues, working for study abroad  enterprises, arranging language camps, etc.), and sales positions with companies with large expatriate client bases. Employment Visas Working legally in China requires a “Z” Visa from a Chinese embassy or consulate. The Z visa is the only valid work visa and sponsorship from an employer is needed in order to obtain a Z visa.  There have recent restrictions on visa issuance and renewals in China. See http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/ for more information about visa types and what information is required to obtain one. *Prospective teachers should also be aware that working in China on any type of visa other than the Z visa, such as a tourist “L” visa or student “F” or “X” visa, is illegal and can result in large fines, detention, and deportation. Required Documents Below is a list of the documents required to obtain a Z visa in the United States.  Further information on obtaining a Z visa and a complete listing of the documents required is available on the website of the Chinese Embassy in the United States at http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/. – A valid US Passport with at least 6 months validity before the expiration date; – A visa notification issued by the authorized Chinese unit (your employer), and a “Work Permit for Aliens” issued by the Chinese Labor Ministry/”Foreign Expert’s License” issued by the Chinese Foreign Expert Bureau; – One completed Visa Application Form (Q1) with one additional passport photo; – Locally obtained health check for absence of HIV, TB, and drug use; – 50 US dollars. Residence Permits In addition to a valid passport and visa, all prospective teachers must obtain a Residency Permit within thirty days of their entry into China. One may not legally teach in China without both the Z visa and a valid Resident Permit. This is necessary whether one is classified as a “foreign teacher” or a “foreign expert.” Employers should provide assistance in obtaining this document. Foreign Teachers Foreign teachers are all teachers without an “Expert Certificate” from the National Expert Bureau of Foreign Affairs. In order to obtain a Resident Permit they will need to work with their employer to obtain the Foreign Teacher Resident Permit, colloquially known as the “Green Book” from their local Public Security Bureau. They will need the following documents. – Valid passport and visa; – Original “Health Certification” submitted by Beijing Exit & Entry Inspection & Quarantine Bureau; – Two recent, two-inch, bareheaded, full-faced photos (either black and white or in color); – The official seal of the unit (the employer, known as the “danwei”) on a filled-out “Application Form for Visa, Residence Permit,” along with one recent, two inch, bareheaded, full-faced photo. * For those working in Beijing whose work will not exceed one year, a temporary residence permit is available, and the “Health Certificate” is waived. Foreign Experts Foreign experts are teachers who hold advanced degrees and have received an “Expert Certificate” from the National Expert Bureau of Foreign Affairs.  The Foreign Expert Resident Permit is colloquially known as the “Red Book” and should also be obtained from the teacher’s local Public Security Bureau with the help of the employer.  The Foreign Expert Resident Permit requires the following documents. – Valid passport and visa; – Originals and copies of “Expert Certificate” issued by the National Expert Bureau of Foreign Affairs Office of the Municipal Government; – Original “Health Certification” submitted by Beijing Exit & Entry Inspection & Quarantine Bureau; -Two recent, two-inch, bareheaded, full-faced photos (either black and white or in color); – The official seal of the unit (their employer) on a filled-out “Application Form for Visa, Residence Permit,” along with one recent, two inch, bareheaded, full-faced photo. * For those working in Beijing whose work will not exceed one year, a temporary residence permit is available, and the “Health Certificate” is waived. Changing Employers When teaching in China, it is possible to switch employers; however, this can be a difficult process.  In order to switch employers, the Resident Permit (Green or Red Book) needs to be transferred from the old employer to the new employer.  Leaving an employer before a contract is up requires a “Letter of Release” from the employer.  This letter authorizes other schools or institutions to register someone with the government and enables the teacher to transfer the Resident Permit (further information on the “Letter of Release” appears in the Contracts section of this guide).  Please be advised that due to the complex nature of this process, further questions should be addressed to the local Public Security Bureau when in China, or to the Chinese Embassy or Consulates in the United States. Legal Warning Some Americans run into serious legal problems with the Chinese government because they either work in China on tourist or other non-Z visas or they accept part-time employment or private classes without obtaining the proper permission.  Violation of Chinese laws can result in severe penalties including imprisonment, fines of up to 500 RMB a day for overstaying a visa, or deportation.  It is the employee’s responsibility to understand local laws and obey them. * When in China, U.S. citizens are subject to Chinese law. Rights as a U.S. citizen do not carry over to other countries.  Disputes are resolved through the local legal system. Foreign instructors in China occasionally have contract disputes with their employers. Employees should be sure to get everything put into writing and not to rely on verbal promises. If possible, one should receive an official copy of the contract before arriving in China, including a copy in Chinese.  Even so, American teachers may find that Chinese contracts are not considered as binding as contracts in the United States. These contracts will sometimes contain unexpected alterations when the prospective teacher arrives, during their employment, or at the end of the period specified by the contract.  Taking an employer to court over breach of contract is far less common in China than it is in the United States, and is a particularly difficult process for foreigners.  Culturally, oral negotiation and a solid relationship with the employer are of paramount importance.  A good working relationship with your school, institution, or business is vital to reaching an agreement over contractual difficulties. Basic Features of Most Teaching Contracts Contracts for teaching positions typically last for one year and should include provisions for salary, housing, working hours, class size, medical insurance, taxes, early termination, and in some cases, a plane ticket home. Any bonuses, such as travel bonuses or contract termination bonuses, should be clearly spelled out in the contract.  Further information on these topics is below. – Salary The majority of English teaching jobs in China pay monthly salaries.  Nevertheless, one should make sure the salary is clearly defined in terms of hours per month and compensation per hour.  Also, in the interest of clarity, numeric figures as well as written amounts should be included on the contract.  Payment dates, methods, and currency should be specified in advance.  Chinese bank accounts are not generally accessible overseas, and many schools place a limit on the amount of RMB you can convert into U.S. dollars. If possible, specify this number or percentage in your contract. Teachers should bring sufficient funds to cover at least a month of room and board, as the institution might not be willing to forward any part of the salary upon arrival. – Hours Full-time teaching is generally considered to be between 12-20 teaching hours per week in China.   However, this number varies according to the type of school or institute.  Most teachers end up with approximately 15 hours of class per week, supplemented with additional hours running conversational groups or participating in cultural activities.  Those teaching younger children will generally find the hours to be greater, but will not be required to do as much outside of the specified teaching hours.  Conversely, teaching at a higher level, such as at a university, will generally require office hours.  Additional hours should be specified in the contract, preferably with a confirmed hourly rate.  Prospective teachers should make sure that contracts specify the maximum number of classroom hours per day and per week, as well as the maximum number of workdays per week, and any vacation periods. Teachers generally receive vacation time for Chinese New Year; however, this is not always paid vacation. – Housing Many schools offer, or even require, on-campus housing. This can take the form of a dormitory or an apartment.  Other institutions will occasionally offer a housing allowance. If housing is included in the contract, it should specify details. If the accommodation is classified as “furnished” one may want to ask for a basic inventory of the dormitory or apartment and its attendant facilities.  Another issue to address is whether the housing has heating and/or air-conditioning, telephone, and internet, and, if these are provided, who pays for them.  Also, be sure to verify if the accommodation is single or shared.  Other items which one may want to verify include whether the bathroom is private or shared, and if there is access to a kitchen.  Some Chinese universities, particularly in the provinces, have been known to establish curfews for their foreign teachers living on campus. – Plane Tickets Many contracts include a return plane ticket to the United States upon completion of the contract, and some even provide round-trip airfare.  While this is a very common practice, previous teachers have occasionally run into difficulties when their employers refused to provide the promised plane ticket upon the completion of the contract.  In this situation the U.S. State Department is not authorized to provide citizens with the funds to return to the United States.  Therefore, we recommend keeping enough money aside for a return plane ticket in case of emergencies, regardless of what is specified in your contract. Also, many schools and institutions will reimburse the teacher for the cost of the airfare, rather than provide them with a pre-paid ticket. – Bonuses A standard feature of English-teaching contracts in China is the “Contract Completion Bonus.” This may comprise a sizeable portion of monthly salary, and will be paid upon completion of the contract.  Another common feature, though by no means universal, is the “Travel Bonus” which provides funds to travel occasionally during the contract. – Class Size This is typically not addressed in contracts, so be sure to ask. Class size will vary, depending upon the type of institution.  Expect classes to be relatively small in private language institutes (often between 10 and 20 pupils), and large in most schools and universities. – Medical Insurance Many Chinese schools provide health insurance to their foreign teachers.  This can cover up to 80% of medical expenses.  Note that employees are usually required to pay a certain percentage of medical expenses, which can grow quickly in event of a serious injury, a hospital stay, or extended medical attention. Chinese hospitals often demand payment in cash in advance before providing service. The Chinese medical system, particularly in rural areas, often does not meet U.S. standards.  For this reason, all U.S. citizens traveling to China are strongly encouraged to buy foreign medical care and medical evacuation insurance prior to their arrival.  Since U.S. medical insurance is not always valid outside the United States, please check with your insurance company to confirm whether your policy applies overseas and if it includes a provision for medical evacuation.  Travelers interested in a list of modern medical facilities in China can view a list of hospitals, by province, on the Embassy’s website at https://china-cn.edit.usembassy.gov/u-s-citizen-services/local-resources-of-u-s-citizens/doctors/. – Early Termination Contracts should always include an acceptable early termination clause.  If a contract is terminated early and the employee wants to work at another school in China, a “Letter of Release” from the previous school will be required.  This letter allows the next school to officially register the teacher.  Without it, one cannot work legally at a new institution. – Taxes: China All schools in China that hire foreign teachers must pay taxes on their salaries. Most employers will deduct this tax amount from the employee’s salary. The employer will arrange for this, and you should receive a receipt for any taxes that have been deducted from your salary. Tax amounts vary depending on the province and salary.  Questions should be directed to the local tax office. United States Americans residing abroad are not exempt from filing requirements, but are, under certain conditions, entitled to exclusions on foreign-earned income.  More information on overseas income and filing is available from the IRS publications “Tax Guide for U.S. Citizens Abroad” and “Overseas Filers of Form 1040”.  These and other Federal tax forms may be downloaded at U.S. Federal Tax Forms on the Internal Revenue Service website at http://www.irs.gov/. The Embassy does not keep a comprehensive listing of foreign language institutes nor does it provide assistance in finding employment.  In China, English teaching jobs are filled either through advertisements or by word of mouth.  Numerous advertisements for teaching positions can be found online, as well as in China-based English language publications such as That’s Beijing (and That’s Guangzhou and That’s Shanghai), TimeOut Beijing (and TimeOut Shanghai), City Weekend (Beijing), and Red Star (Qingdao). Recruiting and Placement Services Most English teachers hired in the United States do not get jobs directly through the institute where they will work.  Instead, they are recruited by a placement service.  These services recruit on U.S. campuses, in U.S. publications, and online.  While some offer legitimate services, the Embassy has received complaints in the past about certain recruiting services.  Those considering working in China should deal with recruiters carefully.  Many of them do not know at which school or institute in which area of China the teacher will be placed. Recruiting services will frequently not accept responsibility for a placement that is contrary to the original terms of the agreement or contract. Prospective teachers should always demand they receive a contract directly from their employer rather than through an agent or intermediary, and have this contract in hand before departing for China.  Agents or intermediaries often receive a large portion of the monthly pay promised to the teacher, leaving the teacher without significant financial resources.  These “fees” are sometimes not disclosed until after the prospective teacher arrives in China.  To date, courts and police in many jurisdictions have refused to intervene in these cases on behalf of foreign teachers. Online Resources There are a great number of placement services and classified ads for teaching positions on the internet. Should you choose to use one of these services, be sure to thoroughly research your proposed employer and, if applicable, the placement service.  Always request references from the company or school, and personally contact foreigners who have worked with them before.  You cannot be too careful when committing yourself to an overseas teaching position. Different Expectations Many types of people teach English in China, with a variety of different aims.  Some come to China with ESL degrees specifically to teach English. Others see teaching English as a means to experience a new culture.  There are those who teach to support themselves while looking for other jobs in China, or while doing research in other fields.  As a result, English teachers in China arrive with a wide range of expectations.  Each brings their own unique perspective to their job and their own reaction to new circumstances.  While China is developing rapidly and is increasingly open to global markets, it is still very different from the United States.  Do not expect to encounter the same standards of living as you may be used to at home, particularly if you plan on working outside of the major cities.  Having realistic expectations and a flexible attitude will help prepare one for the stress that can accompany living and working in a different culture. Foreigners in China China’s major cities all host large populations of foreigners, however if you choose to work in a smaller city or in the provinces, foreigners may still be regarded as a curiosity.  While the Chinese media does not always present Americans in a positive light, Chinese people are generally friendly and interested to learn about Western culture. Wherever you are, you will likely find yourself in a highly visible position given your foreign status, with many watching you with interest.  Remember that in some ways, Chinese society is more conservative than American society, and it is best to abide by local norms. Culture Shock When first arriving in a country, one is usually excited and eager for new experiences.  After a while, the newness wears off and homesickness begins.  Do not judge yourself too severely at this point, as it happens to everyone.  Culture shock usually dissipates in a relatively short time.  As you continue to cope with the realities of living here, you begin to take things for granted which used to annoy you. Perhaps most importantly, make the effort to get to know your students and colleagues.  Chinese friends will provide you with valuable insight into the country and culture in a way you will not receive if you interact only with other foreigners. The Embassy, by regulation, cannot enter into any case or act as a lawyer for any personal mishap or employment dispute experienced by a U.S. citizen.  We cannot investigate, certify, or vouch for employers.  It is up to each individual to evaluate an employer before signing a contract. The Embassy can assist Americans in a variety of ways.  The Embassy offers notary services, renews passports, adds additional visa pages into passports, and assists with absentee voting registration. Our website also provides information on marriage, voting, birth registration, and other issues Americans often encounter. We can often provide phone numbers and addresses of Chinese government agencies, as well as a list of English-speaking attorneys; however, we are unable to recommend any specific lawyer from this list.  In case of a financial emergency, we can receive and disburse funds sent from a source in the U.S. If you live in China or you intend to visit for an extended period of time, we strongly recommend that you register with the consular section.  Registration helps us to locate  you in case of a family emergency, and helps keep us better informed of the number and location of American citizens in the event of a large-scale emergency.   We are required by law to keep any information you give us completely confidential, and will release it only when authorized by you to do so. To register online, go to https://step.state.gov/step/ and follow the directions. The data you provide is secured behind Department of State firewalls, accessed only by cleared personnel in Embassies, Consulates, and the Department of State, and releasable only under the provisions of the Privacy Act. The above information was compiled from the following websites and publications. http://www.china-embassy.org/eng http://www.transitionsabroad.com http://travel.state.gov Pillsbury, Adam, Ed. The Insider’s Guide to Beijing 2009-2010. U.S. Embassy Beijing Tel: (010) 8531-4000 E-mail: BeijingACS@state.gov U.S. Consulate General Guangzhou Tel: (020) 3814-5775 E-mail: GuangzhouACS@state.gov U.S. Consulate General Shanghai Tel: (021) 8011-2400 E-mail: ShanghaiACS@state.gov U.S. Consulate General Shenyang Tel: (024) 2335-5188 E-mail: ShenyangACS@state.gov U.S. Consulate General Wuhan Tel: (010) 8531-4000 E-mail: BeijingACS@state.gov

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年2月14日 COVID-19全球行动会议 安东尼·布林肯国务卿的声明 COVID-19疫情已近三年之久，尽管我们的医护人员、普通公民、机构、组织、国家和经济体付出了英勇努力，全球性磨难仍在继续。在整个疫情期间，一个不变的事实是，任何一个国家单凭一己之力都无法制止这种病毒。正如拜登总统自2021年9月举行全球COVID-19峰会（Global COVID-19 Summit）以来所阐明的，在全世界接种疫苗、现在就拯救生命并更好地重建必须依靠协调一致的全球行动。国际社会共同努力，能够终止这场疫情的严重期。今天举行的COVID-19全球行动会议（COVID-19 Global Action Meeting）是向实现这一共同目标迈出的重要一步。 今天，我召集了各国及各国际组织的外交部长和高级别领导人，他们将帮助协调增强领导力、政治意愿、能力和资源，以便在全球应对COVID-19的过程中实现具体目标。我们共同确定了应对行动中亟待弥补的差距，并协调发挥具体作用，以推动旨在控制住这场疫情并为应对今后的全球性健康威胁进一步做好准备的全球性努力。我们一致认为，为了拯救生命并在2022年终止这次疫情循环还需要更大的政治领导力。 我们还讨论了《COVID-19增强参与优先全球行动计划》（COVID-19 Prioritized Global Action Plan for Enhanced Engagement），该计划阐明了应对紧急疫情需求的六项全球努力方针。参与方承诺主导协调作用和切实行动，以支持这些要素，与世卫组织及其他多边组织的努力相辅相成： 为完成疫苗接种，参与方讨论了改善疫苗准备及物流安排的协调努力，跟上捐助和采购增加的步伐，迈向到2022年9月为每个国家及每个收入类别的至少70%的人口全剂接种高质、安全、有效的疫苗的目标。我们已认识到必须着重于难以达及的人口。 为让供应链更健强，与会方探讨了相关机制，以增进对打破COVID-19疫情循环所需关键产品和物资的充足和稳定供应，其中包括建立机制，识别和消除医疗供应链中的瓶颈。 为解决信息差距问题，与会方考虑通过国际努力，增进疫苗信心和打击谬误信息的传播，并让地区倡导者和医务界、公民社会、年轻人，以及信仰领袖加入这一努力，发送有实际根据的、准确的、符合当地实情的信息。 为支持医护工作者，与会方强调需要针对一线医护人员的健康、安全和福祉采取行动，并且认识到有必要增强他们的培训和人数，以便为应对COVID-19提供有效支持。 为确保急需非疫苗介入能力，我们讨论了在提供治疗方法、检测机制和向最急需地方提供氧气等方面加大合作和政策创新的必要。 为加强全球健康安全构架，与会方还强调必须既终止当前的疫情，同时也在国家、地区和国际层面为应对未来健康紧急状况作好准备。 我们将继续就全球行动计划中的所有六方面保持接触参与，我们将再次加倍致力于加大努力，以便使人们真正打上疫苗，让供应链更加健强，并协同各种多边努力加强全球健康安全构架。我还宣布，美国政府正在向非洲联盟（African Union）为疫苗采购和发放所建立的“非洲疫苗采购信托机制（African Vaccine Acquisition Trust）直接捐助500万剂强生（Johnson & Johnson）疫苗。向非洲各地提供的首批500万剂疫苗已在运往那些国家。连同与疫苗全球获取机制COVAX合作提供的疫苗，这使美国向非洲捐助的疫苗总数超过1.55亿剂，这也是已向全球捐助的4.35亿剂疫苗的一部分。 在整个会议中，我们既看到在疫情中取得的进展，也认识到仍然面对的挑战。所有人都对终止疫情严重期有一份作用。实施和完成全球行动计划有赖于政府、非政府组织、多边机构、私人行业、慈善组织、公民社会以及个体公民的相互合作。本着这一精神，美国期待继续有不断磋商，将更广泛的伙伴团结起来，承担行动角色，帮助在2022年终止疫情循坏，并增进全球健康安全。我们呼吁我们的合作伙伴和盟国进一步发挥今天展现的领导能力，作出具体承诺，帮助我们实现这个重要目标。 与美国共同参加COVID-19全球行动会议的成员有澳大利亚联邦、加拿大、哥伦比亚共和国、法国共和国、德国联邦共和国、印度共和国、印度尼西亚共和国、意大利共和国、日本、大韩民国、新西兰、沙特阿拉伯王国、塞内加尔共和国、南非共和国、西班牙王国、大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国、非洲联盟/非洲疾病控制中心、欧盟委员会以及世界卫生组织。 欲查看原稿内容:   https://www.state.gov/the-covid-19-global-action-meeting/

The COVID-19 Global Action Meeting PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE FEBRUARY 14, 2022 Nearly three years into the COVID-19 pandemic, global suffering continues despite heroic efforts by our healthcare workers, private citizens, institutions, organizations, countries, and economies.  Throughout, it has remained a fact that no one country acting alone can stop the virus.  As President Biden has made clear since the September 2021 Global COVID-19 Summit, vaccinating the world, saving lives now, and building back better require concerted global action.  Together, the international community can end the acute phase of the pandemic. Today’s COVID-19 Global Action Meeting was an important step toward achieving this shared goal. Today I convened foreign ministers and senior leaders from countries and international organizations who will help coordinate additional leadership, political will, capacity, and resources, to achieve specific targets in the global COVID-19 response. Together, we identified urgent gaps in response activities and aligned around specific roles to advance global efforts aimed at bringing this pandemic under control and strengthening readiness for future global health threats. We agreed that more political leadership is needed to save lives and end this pandemic cycle in 2022. We also discussed the COVID-19 Prioritized Global Action Plan for Enhanced Engagement (GAP), which outlines six lines of global effort to respond to acute pandemic needs.  Participants committed to lead coordination roles and concrete actions in support of these elements to complement efforts of WHO and other multilateral organizations: We will remain engaged on all six lines of effort in the GAP, and we will redouble our commitment to strengthen efforts to get shots in arms, bolster supply chain resilience, and strengthen the global health security architecture in collaboration with multilateral efforts.  I also announced the U.S. government is making a direct donation of 5 million doses of Johnson & Johnson’s COVID-19 vaccine to the African Vaccine Acquisition Trust (AVAT), the African Union’s vaccine procurement and distribution effort. The first five million doses are already shipping to countries across the continent. Together with doses provided in partnership with COVAX, this brings the total doses the United States has donated to Africa to more than 155 million – as part of the 435 million doses donated worldwide. Throughout the meeting, we recognized the progress made over the duration of the pandemic and the challenges that remain.  Everyone has a role to play in ending this acute phase of the pandemic.  The implementation and achievement of the GAP depends on collaboration between governments, NGOs, multilateral organizations, the private sector, philanthropic institutions, civil society, and private citizens. In that spirit, the United States looks forward to continued consultations bringing together an expanded group of partners in action-oriented roles to help end this pandemic cycle in 2022 and strengthen global health security. We call on our partners and allies to build on the leadership expressed today and make tangible commitments that will help us reach this important goal. Participants joining the United States in the COVID-19 Global Action Meeting included the Commonwealth of Australia, Canada, the Republic of Colombia, the French Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of India, the Republic of Indonesia, the Italian Republic, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Republic of Senegal, the Republic of South Africa, the Kingdom of Spain, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the African Union/Africa Centres for Disease Control, the European Commission, and the World Health Organization.

尼古拉斯·伯恩斯 驻中华人民共和国大使 尼古拉斯·伯恩斯为美利坚合众国驻中华人民共和国大使。经拜登总统提名，2021年12月美国参议院通过确认。 作为大使，他将领导驻北京大使馆和驻上海、广州、武汉和沈阳美国领事馆内，来自美国47个政府部门和下属部门经验丰富、全心投入、多元的公职人员团队。他将负责监督使团与中华人民共和国就广泛议题所进行的互动，包括政治、安全、经济、商务、领事、以及诸多其他建立此至关重要关系的议题。 哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院（Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government）予以伯恩斯大使公职服务假，他至2021年为止，担任该学院Goodman家族外交实践和国际关系教授，并成立该学院的“外交的未来项目”（Future of Diplomacy Project）。 他的美国外交职业生涯漫长，历经6位总统和9位国务卿。最近的一次，担任约翰·克里（John Kerry）国务卿（2014-2017）外交政策咨询委员会成员（Foreign Policy Advisory Board）。 在国务院任职职业外交官时，时任分管政治事务的副国务卿（2005-2008），牵头多项谈判，包括美国-印度民用核能合作协议、与以色列的长期军事援助协议、伊朗核项目。 出任驻北大西洋公约组织（NATO）代表（2001-2005）时，他在布鲁塞尔率领美国关于9/11的努力，时值在NATO历史上，盟国首度援引第五条款。当北约接受7个东欧新成员时，他负责美国国务院-国防部联合代表团，并在伊拉克和阿富汗进行任务。 他曾任驻希腊大使（1997-2001），在那之前，担任国务院发言人（1995-1997）。 他曾任职白宫国家安全委员会，担任克林顿总统的特别助理，俄罗斯、乌克兰和欧亚事务高级主任，以及在苏联解体时，担任乔治·H·W·布什总统的苏联事务主任。 伯恩斯大使的外交官生涯始于中东。他曾派驻美国驻耶路撒冷总领馆（1985-1987），协调美国在西岸地区对巴勒斯坦的经济援助，在美国驻埃及开罗大使馆（1983-1985）任职过，并曾在美国驻毛里塔尼亚努瓦克肖特大使馆实习（1980）。 他于1988年随同国务卿乔治·舒尔茨（George Shultz）初次访华，尔后，于1989年，陪同乔治·H·W·布什总统访华。之后，他作为发言人，也曾随同国务卿沃伦·克里斯托弗（Warren Christopher）和曼德琳·奥尔布赖特（Madeleine Albright）出访中国，包括1997年英国归还香港于中华人民共和国 (PRC)之行。 担任副国务卿时，他与中华人民共和国政府在不同议题上进行合作，包括阿富汗、朝鲜、联合国对伊朗的制裁、美国在印度-太平洋的政策。成为平民百姓之后，他建立并负责阿斯彭战略集团（Aspen Strategy Group）与中华人民共和国政府中央党校的政策对话。 伯恩斯于2020年，与马克·格罗斯曼大使（Marc Grossman）和马西·里斯大使（Marcie Ries）共同撰写有关美国外交未来的大型研究。他们呼吁进行根本改革以加强外交和文职服务，重启我们国家对外交的承诺。 伯恩斯大使获颁15个荣誉学位、总统杰出服务奖、国务卿杰出服务奖。他也是诸多其他奖项的受奖人，包括爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和科索沃政府所颁奖项。 伯恩斯毕业于波士顿学院（1978年授予历史学士学位），以及约翰·霍普金斯高级国际研究学院（1980年授予国际关系硕士学位）。 他以新英格兰人为傲，热情支持红袜职业棒球队、凯尔特人职业篮球队、新英格兰爱国者美式足球队、波士顿棕熊冰球队、新英格兰革命职业足球队。 他与白丹洛（Elizabeth Baylies）结缡，有3个女儿，并有2个外孙子女。

Nicholas Burns   Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China   Nicholas Burns is Ambassador of the United States of America to the People’s Republic of China (PRC).  Nominated by President Biden, he was confirmed by the U.S. Senate in December 2021. As Ambassador, he leads a team of experienced, dedicated, and diverse public servants from forty-seven U.S. government agencies and sub-agencies at the U.S. Mission in China, including at the Embassy in Beijing and at the American Consulates in Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and Shenyang.  He oversees the Mission’s interaction with the PRC on the full range of political, security, economic, commercial, consular, and many other issues that shape this critical relationship. Ambassador Burns is on a public service leave from Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government where he was Goodman Professor of the Practice of Diplomacy and International Relations until 2021 and founded the school’s Future of Diplomacy Project. He has had a long career in American diplomacy serving six Presidents and nine Secretaries of State.  Most recently, he was a member of the Foreign Policy Advisory Board of Secretary of State John Kerry (2014-2017). While serving at the Department of State as a career Foreign Service Officer, he was Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (2005-2008) where he led numerous negotiations, including on the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Deal, a long-term military assistance agreement with Israel, and on Iran’s nuclear program. As Ambassador to NATO (2001-2005), he led U.S. efforts in Brussels on 9/11 when the Alliance invoked Article 5 of the NATO Treaty for the first time in its history.  He managed the combined State-Defense Department U.S. Mission when NATO accepted seven new members in Eastern Europe and embarked on missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. He was Ambassador to Greece (1997-2001) and prior to that, served as State Department Spokesperson (1995-1997). He worked on the National Security Council at the White House (1990-1995) where he was Special Assistant to President Clinton and Senior Director for Russia, Ukraine and Eurasia Affairs and Director for Soviet Affairs for President George H.W. Bush during the collapse of the USSR. Ambassador Burns began his Foreign Service career in the Middle East.  He worked at the American Consulate General in Jerusalem (1985-1987) where he coordinated U.S. economic assistance to Palestinians on the West Bank, at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt (1983-85) and, as an intern, at the U.S. Embassy in Nouakchott, Mauritania (1980). He first visited China in 1988 accompanying Secretary of State George Shultz and then President George H.W. Bush in 1989.  He subsequently made visits to China with Secretaries Warren Christopher and Madeleine Albright as Spokesperson, including during the handover of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the PRC in 1997. As Under Secretary of State, he worked with the PRC government on a diverse range of issues, including Afghanistan, North Korea, United Nations sanctions against Iran and U.S. policy in the Indo-Pacific.  As a private citizen, he also created and managed an Aspen Strategy Group policy dialogue with the PRC government’s Central Party School. Burns co-authored in 2020 with Ambassadors Marc Grossman and Marcie Ries a major study on the future of American diplomacy.  They called for fundamental reforms to strengthen the Foreign and Civil Service and to renew our country’s commitment to diplomacy. Ambassador Burns has received fifteen honorary degrees, the Presidential Distinguished Service Award and the Secretary of State’s Distinguished Service Award.  He is the recipient of many other awards, including from the governments of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Kosovo. Burns is a graduate of Boston College (BA History 1978) and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (MA International Relations 1980). He is a proud New Englander and passionate supporter of the Red Sox, Celtics, Patriots, Bruins, and Revolution. He is married to Elizabeth Baylies.  They have three daughters and two grandchildren.

Deputy Secretary Sullivan and Ambassador Birx Visit Zola Clinic 讲话摘译 副国务卿约翰·J·沙利文 安哥拉，罗安达 2019年3月20日 正如菲特大使所说，我今天想要讲的是关于美国的非洲战略如何能够解锁我们在今天的午宴期间将会更详细探讨的许多经济机会。我期待去强调我们可以一起工作的许多方式，从而在美国、在安哥拉以及在整个非洲大陆推动共同繁荣与安全。 正如你们所知，我们的行政当局最近宣布了新的非洲战略，以重振我们与非洲伙伴的交往，并为所有非洲人推动一个繁荣和安全的未来。 在这一战略的核心，我们将努力工作来扩大经济机会；支持可持续和包容性的发展；推进和平与安全，包括打击恐怖主义以及其他极端组织；并促进稳定、人权、良好治理以及自力更生。 非洲战略强调我们对于非洲以及对于让非洲国家摆脱外来援助、走向自力更生和可持续的财务独立的长久承诺。 认识到这一大陆的巨大经济潜力，本届行政当局已经将扩大在非洲的贸易和投资作为美国的一项关键优先事项。 到2025年，我们预期非洲预计3亿的家庭中接近三分之二将拥有自主支配收入，这使得这里成为在全球竞争的美国企业的一个关键市场。 在2017年，美国与撒哈拉以南非洲国家的双向贸易为390亿美元。我们这届行政当局相信我们能够做得比这更好许多。 …… 美国已经是而且仍然是非洲最大的私营外国投资者。从2001年到2017年，我们在非洲的年度投资从90亿美元增长到500亿美元，在整个大陆创造了新的商业机会。但是即便有了这样的增长，我们才刚刚触及美国能够投资于非洲的可获得资金池的表面。 …… 美国重视我们与我们的非洲伙伴，尤其是与安哥拉这样的战略伙伴长久且广泛的合作，这一点无论我怎样强调都不为过。 …… 在非洲大陆，我们的外交政策建立在这一前提上：非洲人必须对解决非洲问题负责。我们非洲战略的第二个要素强调非洲对地区和平与安全威胁作出应对的所有权。 安全制度必须是有效的、负责任的，并有能力让非洲各国政府应对地区和平与安全威胁。这就是为什么我们已经向20多个非洲国家提供了维和人员培训和设备。 …… 繁荣、安全和稳定需要强有力的、负责任的民主制度。这就是为什么我们非洲战略的第三个核心要素强调自力更生、良好的治理和对人权的尊重。最终，为了所有人的利益，我们希望终结对外来援助的需求。我相信我们的共同目标是在经济增长方面取得实质性的、可衡量的进展；推进良好的政府；为美国和所有其他国际投资者创造一个公平的赛场；当然还有强有力的法治。 …… 美国希望鼓励非洲领导人选择可持续的外来投资来帮助他们的国家实现自力更生，而不像中国提出的那些强加不必要成本的投资。 我们敦促各国思考他们与中国的关系如何与他们对可持续发展的抱负保持一致。在我们的非洲战略之下，美国将在相互尊重的基础上扩大经济联系，我们将帮助非洲国家掌控其经济命运。 我们鼓励安哥拉和其他非洲国家选择高质量、透明、包容和可持续的外来投资，而不是将债务提高到不可持续水平的掠夺性投资和发展举措。这些贷款会强加给接收方损害其主权的不必要负担。 正如我们鼓励各国思考与中国建立伙伴关系的影响以及它如何与你自身的可持续性及繁荣目标保持一致，我们对俄罗斯采取同样的做法。俄罗斯经常利用强制的、腐败的和隐蔽的手段来试图影响主权国家，包括他们的安全和经济伙伴关系。

Excerpts of Remarks John J. Sullivan Deputy Secretary of State Luanda, Angola March 20, 2019 As Ambassador Fite said, I would like to speak today about how the U.S. Africa strategy can unlock the many economic opportunities we’ll discuss at greater length throughout today’s luncheon. I look forward to highlighting the many ways we can work together to promote shared prosperity and security in the United States, in Angola, and across the African continent. As you know, our administration recently announced the new Africa Strategy to revitalize our engagement with African partners and promote a prosperous and secure future for all Africans. At the core of this strategy, we’ll work hard to expand economic opportunities; support sustainable and inclusive development; advance peace and security, including combating terrorism and other extremist groups; and promote stability, human rights, good governance, and self-reliance. The Africa Strategy underscores our long-standing commitment to Africa and to moving African countries away from foreign assistance, toward self-reliance and sustainable financial independence. Recognizing the enormous economic potential on the continent, the Administration has made the expansion of trade and investment in Africa a key priority for the United States. By 2025, we expect that nearly two-thirds of the estimated 300 million African households will have discretionary income, which makes this a key market for globally competitive American companies. In 2017, the United States had $39 billion in two-way trade with sub-Saharan African countries. Our Administration believes we can do a lot better than that. … Already, the United States remains the largest private foreign investor in Africa. From 2001 to 2017, our yearly investment in Africa increased from $9 billion to $50 billion, creating new businesses opportunities across the continent. But even with that increase, we are merely scratching the surface of the available pool of capital the United States can invest in Africa. … I can’t stress enough that the United States values our long-standing and wide-ranging cooperation with our African partners, especially with a strategic partner like Angola … On the African continent, our foreign policy is based on the premise that Africans must be responsible for solving African problems. The second element of our Africa strategy emphasizes African ownership of responses to regional threats to peace and security. Security institutions must be effective, accountable, and capable for African governments to respond to regional threats to peace and security. That’s why we have provided peacekeeper training and equipment to over 20 African countries.? … Prosperity, security, and stability require strong and accountable democratic institutions. That is why the third core element of our Africa strategy emphasizes self-reliance, good governance, and respect for human rights. Ultimately, we want to end the need for foreign assistance, for the benefit of all. I believe we share the goal of achieving substantial, measurable progress in economic growth; advancement of good government; creation of a level playing field for U.S. and all other international investors; and of course strong rule of law. …. The United States wants to encourage African leaders to choose sustainable foreign investments that help their countries become self-reliant, unlike those investments offered by China that impose undue costs. We ask countries to consider how their relationship with China aligns with their ambitions for sustainable development. Under our Africa Strategy, the United States will expand economic ties on the basis of mutual respect, and we will help African nations take control of their economic destinies. We encourage Angola and other African countries to choose high-quality, transparent, inclusive, and sustainable foreign investment, not predatory investment and development initiatives that raise debt to unsustainable levels. These loans can impose unnecessary burdens on recipients that jeopardize their sovereignty. Just as we encourage countries to consider the implications of partnership with China and how it aligns with your own sustainability and prosperity goals, we do the same with regard to Russia. Russia often utilizes coercive, corrupt, and covert means to attempt to influence sovereign states, including their security and economic partnerships.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2020年4月15日 迈克尔·蓬佩奥国务卿与中国政治局委员杨洁篪的通话纪要 发言人摩根·奥特葛斯（Morgan Ortagus）： 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（Michael R. Pompeo）今天与中国共产党外事办公室主任杨洁篪通话。国务卿强调了为抗击COVID-19冠状病毒疾病流行并预防今后的疫情而做到完全透明以及信息分享的必要性。他还指出了美国人民于1月份已向中国人民提供——而且继续提供——的援助，以及我们对中国协助医疗物资出口以满足美国的关键性需求予以高度重视。双方重申了他们对于战胜COVID-19疫情并恢复全球的健康与繁荣的承诺。

Secretary Michael R. Pompeo’s Call with Chinese Politburo Member Yang Jiechi 04/15/2020 12:59 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson The following is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus: Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo spoke today with Yang Jiechi, Director of the Office of Foreign Affairs of the Communist Party of China.  The Secretary stressed the need for full transparency and information sharing to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and prevent future outbreaks.  He also noted the aid the American people delivered to the people of China in January – and continue to offer – and the high importance we attach to China’s facilitation of medical supply exports to meet critical demand in the United States.  The two sides confirmed their commitment to defeat the COVID-19 outbreak and restore global health and prosperity.

美国致力于利用自己在世界舞台上的声音和地位来唤起对于侵犯及践踏人权的行径的关注，不论它们出现在何时何地。 我希望你们也要求你们的政府以及整个世界对个人的人类尊严负起责任并予以尊重。 我自豪地代表美国政府支持对人权的尊重。 我希望年度人权报告能激励那些正在自己的社会中为人类尊严而斗争的人们。

The United States is committed to using its voice and its position on the world stage to draw attention to violations and abuses of human rights, no matter where or when they occur.  I hope that you, too, will demand accountability and respect from your government and from the world for individual human dignity.  I am proud to support respect for human rights on behalf of the U.S. government.  I hope the annual Human Rights Reports offer encouragement to those struggling for human dignity in their societies.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2022年6月24日 德国柏林 布林肯国务卿：安娜莱娜（Annalena），非常感谢你。我想我们的电邮服务可能比其他一些同事的更好，但我的确要感谢你和感谢德国，使我们大家在这个关键时刻能够在此相聚。我非常感谢所有与会人士，但尤其要感谢其人民在这场粮食危机中首当其冲的国家的代表，我们非常期待直接倾听你们的声音，了解我们如何能够更有效地共同满足你们的需要，你们人民的需要。 我们听到了数字，我们看到了近几年不断加剧的危机。人民过着严重缺乏粮食保障的生活，换言之，人们因为食不果腹导致其生命和生计面临直接危险：2016年大约有1.08亿人；去年为1.93亿人，这是根据联合国的估计。现在，据世界银行统计，俄罗斯对乌克兰这个长期以来的世界粮仓之一发起的无端战争，将把严重缺乏粮食保障的人口至少再扩大4000万。 那么，我们知道促成这一切的原因：气候、新冠病毒，如今又加上俄罗斯的入侵造成的冲突。俄罗斯军队正在把乌克兰的粮田粮仓化为荒土废墟，他们盗窃乌克兰的粮食和收割设备，封锁乌克兰港口的进入和出海通道。目前有大约2500万吨粮食滞留在乌克兰粮仓内，如果不予出口将会腐烂。未来几个月还会有千百万吨新收获的粮食，但是，俄罗斯的封锁导致粮食无法运出，造成乌克兰粮仓爆满，新粮将无处存放。 有一点我们必须非常明确，安娜莱娜早些时候曾经谈到；我想再次强调一下：当我们对俄罗斯实施制裁以使其尽快结束对乌克兰的侵略时，我们特意把农产品、肥料、保险以及运送这些产品所需的航运作为例外，为的就是避免粮食危机恶化。没有任何因素——没有任何因素在妨碍粮食和肥料从俄罗斯离境，而只有一个国家在阻止粮食和肥料从乌克兰离境，这个国家就是俄罗斯。 上个月，就像安娜莱娜所说，我召开了一次联合国安理会会议和部长级会议，努力帮助调动进一步的集体行动。我们做的事项之一是制定一个全球路线图，使国家承诺采取迅速、具体的步骤，把粮食送到全球各地有需要的人那里，并且针对未来的冲击建立更强大的复原力。94个国家已经加入了这个路线图，而且这个数字还在增加。那么现在，我们的责任是什么？我们的责任是将各国作出的承诺——通过路线图和其他倡议计划——转化为具体的、立即的行动。 几点建议：首先，更多国家需要增大新的实质性捐助，以满足紧迫的人道主义需求。世界粮食计划署、粮农组织等重要机构的工作——他们的运营成本已经大幅度上升。我们需要帮助他们填补其中的一些空白。自俄罗斯于 2 月发动侵略战争以来，美国已承诺提供近 28 亿美元的紧急粮食援助，包括增加对非洲之角、也门、黎巴嫩、海地等受灾最严重的国家和地区的援助。美国国会上个月批准了用于全球粮食安全和人道主义援助的 55 亿美元新资金。在未来的几周和几个月内，我们将能够做得更多，可以预期我们将很快宣布进一步的额外支持，包括总统将在七国集团会议上宣布的援助项目。 其次，我们必须加快由联合国牵头的努力，结束俄罗斯对通过黑海出口乌克兰粮食的封锁。 第三，我们必须通过生产更多化肥和更有效地加以利用来缩小全球化肥缺口。我们知道，如果农民没有化肥，产量就会下降。如果产量下降，粮食会更加稀缺；粮价将进一步上涨。随着疫情的爆发，化肥价格扶摇直上。俄罗斯的侵略行动更推动价格飞涨。无法获得化肥意味着许多低收入国家的粮食作物正在大幅减产。拜登总统承诺提供 5 亿美元来提高我们自己的化肥产量，并发起了一项全球挑战，筹资一亿美元，用于提高效率和开发替代品的新研究。 第四，政府必须抵制限制食品和化肥出口的诱惑。过去的危机表明，这样做只会使问题更加严重。 第五，我们需要在世界范围内大幅提高农业产能和复原力。这是我上个月在联合国部长级会议期间主持与非洲同行的会外讨论时反复听到的意见。为了实现这一目标，我们各自都在努力，例如美国的“未来食品保障”计划（Feed the Future，该计划每年为能力建设贡献 10 亿美元）；另外，我们还通过国际金融机构来利用投资。 第六，谈到这些机构，我们非常同意我们需要跟进国际金融机构内部的举措，以缓解粮食短缺造成的冲击，并允许各国在确保向本国人民提供足够食品的工作中享有更大的灵活性。 最后，我们需要加强信息共享和协调，以更好地识别需求并能够有效地满足需求。这是美国和七国集团其他成员上个月在柏林发起全球粮食安全联盟的指导理念之一。 最后我要说，我们听到了所有这些数字，我们也都提到日益严重的粮食安全问题。但我们知道的是：这些数字代表着人，真实的人，真实的生命，真实的生计，母亲、父亲、孩子。例如，当你们看到，在索马里，一位母亲带着她的一个孩子踏上了一段令人难以置信的危险旅程，试图为这个孩子和留下来的其他孩子寻找食物，在她到达目的地时，这个孩子因为未能及时得到食物而死在她怀里——设想这是你们的孩子；设想你们是那位母亲。想一想。作为人类，我们所有的人都不能视而不见。我们看到了苦难，我们知道我们可以为此做点什么。因此，让我们完成这项工作。 （掌声。）   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-during-the-uniting-for-global-food-security-conference/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE THE FEDERAL FOREIGN OFFICE BERLIN, GERMANY JUNE 24, 2022 SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Annalena, thank you so much.  I guess our mail service was working better maybe than some of the colleagues, but I really want to thank you and thank Germany, for bringing us all together here in this place at this critical time.  And I’m very grateful to all the participants, but especially those from countries where people are bearing the brunt of this food crisis, and we very much look forward to hearing directly from you about what it is we can do together to more effectively meet your needs, the needs of your people. We’ve heard about the numbers, and we’ve seen an accelerating crisis over the last few years. People living in acute food insecurity, that is when a person’s ability to consume adequate food puts their lives or livelihoods in immediate danger: 108 million people roughly in 2016; 193 million people last year according to the UN estimates.  Now, the World Bank calculates that Russia’s unprovoked war on Ukraine, long one of the world’s bread baskets, will add at least another 40 million people to the ranks of those who are severely food insecure. So we know the drivers of all of this: climate, COVID, and now conflict with Russia’s aggression.  The Russian military is laying waste to Ukrainian farms and grain silos, stealing Ukrainian grain and the equipment needed to harvest it, blocking access to and from Ukrainian ports by the sea.  There are some 25 million tons of grain trapped in silos right now in Ukraine, where it will rot if it’s not exported.  Tens of millions more are being harvested in the coming months, but there’s no place to put them because Ukraine’s silos are full because it’s not able to move its grain thanks to the Russian blockade. It’s very important that we be very clear about something, and Annalena said this earlier; I want to reinforce it:  When we imposed sanctions on Russia so that it would end its aggression against Ukraine as quickly as possible, we deliberately created exceptions for agricultural goods, for fertilizer, for insurance, and shipping necessary to move these products precisely to avoid worsening the food crisis.  Nothing – nothing is preventing food and fertilizer from leaving Russia, and only one country is blocking food and fertilizer from leaving Ukraine, and that is Russia. Last month, as Annalena said, I convened a UN Security Council meeting and a ministerial to try to help galvanize further collective action.  One of the things we did was to create a global roadmap that commits countries to taking swift, concrete steps to get food to people around the world who need it now, and to build greater resilience to future shocks.  Ninety-four countries and counting have signed on to that roadmap.  So now, what’s our responsibility?  Our responsibility is to turn the commitments that countries have made – through the roadmap and other initiatives – into concrete, immediate action. A few suggestions:  First, more countries need to step up with new substantial contributions to meet urgent humanitarian needs.  The work of critical organizations like the World Food Program, the Food and Agriculture Organization – their cost of doing business has gone up dramatically.  We need to help them fill some of these gaps.  Since the Russian aggression began in February, the United States has committed nearly $2.8 billion in emergency food assistance, including increasing our aid to countries and regions that were the hardest hit – in the Horn of Africa, Yemen, Lebanon, Haiti.  We have $5.5 billion in new funding for global food security and humanitarian assistance approved last month by the United States Congress.  We’ll be able to do even more in the weeks and months ahead, and you can expect further announcements of our additional support soon, including from the President at the G7 meeting. Second, we have to accelerate efforts led by the United Nations to end Russia’s blocking of Ukrainian food exports through the Black Sea. Third, we have to close the global fertilizer gap by both producing more fertilizer and using it more efficiently.  We know that if fertilizer is not getting to farmers, then yields will go down.  Yields go down; scarcity goes up; prices go up.  Fertilizer prices skyrocketed with the onset of the pandemic.  They shot up even further with Russia’s aggression.  Lack of access to fertilizer means many low-income countries are significantly reducing their production.  President Biden committed $500 million to boost our own fertilizer production and launched a global challenge to raise 100 million for new research on increasing efficiency as well as developing alternatives. Fourth, governments have to resist the temptation to impose restrictions on the export of food and fertilizer.  Past crises have demonstrated that will only make the problem worse. Fifth, we need to substantially increase agricultural capacity and resilience around the world.  This is something that I heard repeatedly when I hosted a meeting with African counterparts on the margins of our UN ministerial last month.  We’re hard at work at that both through individual efforts like our own Feed the Future initiative, which contributes a billion dollars a year to building capacity, and through leveraging investments through international financial institutions. Sixth, speaking of those institutions, we very much agree that we need to follow up on initiatives within the international financial institutions to cushion food shocks and to give countries greater flexibility in what they do to make sure that they can feed their people. Finally, we need to have greater information sharing and coordination to better identify needs and to be able to act efficiently to meet them.  That is one of the driving ideas behind the Global Alliance for Food Security, which we and other G7 members launched here in Berlin last month. So let me conclude with this.  We hear all these numbers; we’ve all cited numbers of this growing food insecurity.  But what we know is this:  We know that those numbers are people, real people, real lives, real livelihoods, mothers, fathers, children.  And when you see, in Somalia, for example, a mother taking one of her children on an incredibly treacherous journey to try to find food somewhere for her child and the others that she’s left behind, and she makes it there and the child that she’s brought with her dies in her arms because she couldn’t get to the food in time – put your own kids in that position; put yourself in that position.  Just imagine.  As human beings, all of us have to be seized with this.  We see the suffering and we know we can do something about it.  So let’s get it done. (Applause.)

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年 7月 1日 美国国务院协同美国财政部（U.S. Department of the Treasury）、美国商业部（U.S. Department of Commerce）、美国国土安全部（U.S. Department of Homeland Security）发布工商咨询公告，提醒各工商企业注意与新疆维吾尔自治区和中国其他地区参与侵犯人权活动的实体发生联系的供应链可面临的风险，其中包括强迫劳动。 中华人民共和国继续在新疆采取镇压活动，目标是维吾尔族、哈萨克族、吉尔吉斯族和其他少数族裔穆斯林成员。 公告强调各工商企业与在新疆和中国各地参与强迫劳动和其他侵犯人权行为的实体发生联系的供应链可面临的风险。公告所述的与参与侵犯人权行为的实体有联系的供应链有以下3种基本类型： 在各自供应链上可能受到在新疆参与侵犯人权的实体影响，或者在新疆以外的设施供国内和国际销售的制造业产品中使用来自新疆强迫劳动的工商企业，都应该认识到与这类实体的联系可面临名誉、经济和法律方面的风险。 为了降低名誉等方面的风险，各工商企业应该严格遵守行业规范，采取适当的政策和程序。 详细情况请查询：www.state.gov/xinjiang-supply-chain-business-advisory/

FACT SHEET July 1, 2020 The U.S. Department of State, along with the U.S. Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Department of Commerce, and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security are issuing a business advisory to caution businesses about the risks of supply chain links to entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor, in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Xinjiang) and elsewhere in China. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government continues to carry out a campaign of repression in Xinjiang, targeting Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, ethnic Kyrgyz, and members of other Muslim minority groups. The advisory highlights the risks for businesses with supply chain links to entities complicit in forced labor and other human rights abuses in Xinjiang and throughout China.  The three primary types of supply chain exposure to entities engaged in human rights abuses discussed in this advisory are: Businesses with potential exposure in their supply chain to entities that engage in human rights abuses in Xinjiang or to facilities outside Xinjiang that use forced labor from Xinjiang in the manufacture of goods intended for domestic and international distribution should be aware of the reputational, economic, and legal risks of involvement with such entities. In order to mitigate reputational and other risks, businesses should apply appropriate industry due diligence policies and procedures. For more information, please visit:  www.state.gov/xinjiang-supply-chain-business-advisory/

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年8月30日 国务卿布林肯：各位晚上好。 18天前，美国以及我们的盟友在喀布尔（Kabul）开始了我们的撤离和重新安置行动。正如你们刚刚从五角大楼（Pentagon）听到的，几个小时前，这一行动已经完成。 超过123000人已经安全地飞离阿富汗。其中包括大约6000名美国公民。这是一项极大规模的军事、外交和人道使命——是我国历史上最艰巨的行动之一——而且是在某些难以想见的最具挑战性的条件下进行的后勤与协调的非凡壮举。 很多、很多人的努力使之成为可能。 我要表彰我们杰出的外交人员，他们夜以继日地在全世界各地工作，协调这次行动。他们志愿在喀布尔机场值班。他们飞往中转国帮助数千名前往美国的阿富汗人办理手续。他们在入境口岸和美国军事基地欢迎阿富汗人来到他们的新家。他们在华盛顿这里一周7天、一天24小时地从事任务组的工作，由副国务卿布莱恩·麦肯恩（Brian McKeon）负责。他们列出了一份可能寻求离开阿富汗的美国人的名单，然后努力联系其中每一个人，据报告——自8月14日以来打了55000通电话，发了33000封电子邮件。他们解决了一个又一个问题，不断推进这项使命。 他们这样做是因为——对于在过去20年中曾派驻阿富汗的数千名国务院（State Department）和美国国际发展署（USAID）人员而言——这次撤离行动与个人密切相关。很多人多年来与阿富汗合作伙伴携手工作，而且许多人已成为可以信赖的朋友。我们还失去了我们在阿富汗的外交群体的宝贵成员；我们永远都不会忘记他们。在这个关键时刻帮助美国人、20年来一直在我们身边的外国合作伙伴以及有风险的阿富汗人，不仅仅是我们的团队接受的一项事关重大的任务；它还是一项神圣的职责。而且全世界都目睹了我们的外交人员以决心和爱心奋起迎接挑战。 驻喀布尔的美国军人英勇地保障机场安全、保护许多不同国籍的平民——包括数万名阿富汗人在内——并将他们空运撤离。他们目前还在提供至关重要的支持，在欧洲、中东和美国这里的军事基地照护阿富汗人。 我们看到了美国军人在喀布尔机场怀抱婴孩、安慰民众的画面。这正是我们的男女军人所展示的那种富有同情心的勇气的典范。他们在持续不断的恐怖主义暴力的威胁下执行了这项使命——而且4天前，11名海军陆战队员、1名海军卫生员和一名士兵以及许多阿富汗人在机场大门被一名自杀式爆炸手杀害。 他们几乎都才20来岁——在2001年9月11日时都还是婴幼儿。 他们遇害身亡是我国极其重大的损失。我们在国务院感受深切。我们同海军陆战队有着特殊的纽带。你去到一座美国大使馆时首先看到的就是一位海军陆战队员。他们守卫我们的外交使团；他们在全世界保障我们的安全。没有他们我们就无法从事我们的工作。而且我们永远都不会忘记他们做出的牺牲——我们也不会忘记他们所取得的成就。我们中间最杰出的人在地球上的短暂时间里付出了毕生的服务奉献。以此敬献上周遇难的我们杰出的兄弟姐妹。 最后，我要感谢我们的盟友和伙伴。这场行动在每个方面都是一次全球性努力。很多国家加紧努力为空运做出了大力贡献，包括在机场同我们并肩行动。一些国家现在作为中转国，允许被撤离人员在前往最后目的地的途中进行登记并办理手续。其他一些国家已同意永久性重新安置阿富汗难民，而且我们希望在今后几天和几周还将有更多国家这样做。我们由衷地感谢他们的支持。 现在，美国的军事战斗已经结束，而且我们的军队已离开阿富汗。美国同阿富汗接触的一个新篇章已经开启。这是一个我们将以我们的外交引领的篇章。军事使命结束了。新的外交使命已经开始。 因此，以下是我们今后几天和几周的计划。 首先，我们已经组建了一个新团队来帮助引领这项新使命。 从今天起，我们已经停止了我们在喀布尔的外交运作，并将我们的有关工作转至卡塔尔多哈（Doha），并将很快正式通报国会。鉴于阿富汗不确定的安全环境和政治局势，这是慎重采取的一个步骤。请让我借此机会对我国驻喀布尔临时代办、杰出的罗斯·威尔逊（Ross Wilson）大使表示感谢，他在一个极具挑战性的时候完成了卓越的、勇敢的工作。 我们将暂时利用在多哈的这个使团驻地来管理我们同阿富汗的外交，其中包括领事事务、管理人道援助，以及与盟国、合作伙伴还有地区和国际利益相关者共同努力协调我们对塔利班（Taliban）的交涉和信息传达。我们在那里的团队将由伊恩·麦卡里（Ian McCary）领导，他在过去一年中担任我们驻阿富汗使团的第二把手。没有人更有准备胜任这项工作了。 第二，我们将继续不遗余力地帮助选择离开阿富汗的美国人、外国国民和阿富汗人离开那里。 请让我简要地谈一下还留在阿富汗的美国人。 我们做出了巨大努力，让美国人获得离开该国的每一个机会——在很多情况下保持通话，而且在一些情况下护送他们走进机场。 在那些自己表明是在阿富汗的美国人并且当时考虑离开该国的人中，我们迄今为止已收到大约6000人已被撤离或以其他方式离开的确认。随着我们的联络工作继续进行以及人们陆续抵达，这个人数可能将继续增加。 我们认为还有一小批美国人——在200人以下而且可能更接近100人——仍在阿富汗而且希望离开。我们正在努力确定到底有多少人。我们正在查看旅客名单并依照我们的名单打电话并发短信，而且将尽可能快地提供更详尽的情况。确定一个精确数字的挑战之一是有些持美国护照的长期居住在阿富汗的人，他们还在决定是否想要离开。其中很多人是双重国籍的美国人，在阿富汗有很深的根基和很多家人，并且在那里生活了很多年。对许多人而言，这是一个痛苦的选择。 我们对他们以及所有在阿富汗的美国人乃至在全世界各地的美国人的承诺将会持续。在海外的美国人的安全和福祉继续是国务院最至关重要、最持久的使命。如果一名在阿富汗的美国人告诉我们想暂时留下来，但在一个星期或一个月或一年之后找到我们说“我改变想法了”，我们将会帮助他们离开。 此外，我们一直在极其努力地撤离并重新安置与我们并肩工作的阿富汗人，他们尤其面临着遭受报复的风险。我们撤出了很多人，但还有很多人仍在那里。我们将继续努力帮助他们。我们对他们的承诺没有最后期限。 第三，我们要使塔利班兑现其保证，允许人们自由离开阿富汗。 塔利班承诺，会让任何有正当文件的人安全和有秩序地离开阿富汗。他们已私下和公开多次这样说。星期五，塔利班一名高级官员再次在电视和广播中这样说，我援引他的话：“任何阿富汗人，如果他们想也不管可能是什么原因，都可以离开，包括那些为美国人工作的人”。 世界上半数以上的国家都和我们一道，要求塔利班允许人们自由前往阿富汗国外。截至今天，已经有100多个国家表示，他们期待塔利班尊重我们这些国家颁发的旅行文件。就在几个小时以前，联合国安理会通过一项决议，确定了这项责任——如果塔利班食言，将可据此追究其责任。 因此，国际社会在这点上齐声发出了强大声音，并且会保持强大。我们将要求塔利班兑现承诺，让外国国民、签证持有者和面临危险的阿富汗人有行动自由。 第四，我们将努力确保这些人有安全通道。 今天早上，我会晤了七国集团（G7）所有国家的外长——英国、法国、德国、加拿大、意大利、日本，另外还有卡塔尔、土耳其、欧洲联盟，以及北约秘书长。我们讨论了如何共同合作，帮助离开阿富汗的旅行安全，包括尽快重新开放喀布尔的民用机场——我们尤其感谢卡塔尔和土耳其为实现这点而作出的努力。 这将使每天能飞少量包机，这对今后任何想离开阿富汗的人是一个关键。 我们还在努力确定一些陆路途径，为可能愿意通过这种方式离开的美国人、合法永久居民以及曾与我们一起工作的阿富汗人提供支持。 我们对能轻易或迅速地做到这些不抱幻想。这将是与刚结束的撤离行动完全不一样的阶段。克服一系列新的挑战需要时间。但是我们将持续努力。 约翰·巴斯（John Bass）——我们的前驻阿富汗大使，他在两星期前回到喀布尔，帮助领导我们机场撤离行动——将率领当下国务院各方面正在进行的工作，为美国公民和永久居民、盟国公民、特殊移民签证申请人，以及面临高风险的阿富汗人提供帮助，如果他们任何人想离开阿富汗的话。我们深深感谢约翰在喀布尔所做的一切，以及他对这项使命的继续奉献，也深深感谢在他身边工作的那些非凡的领事官员。 第五，我们将继续集中精力打击恐怖主义。 塔利班承诺，将防止恐怖主义团体以阿富汗作基地在海外开展可能威胁美国或我们盟国的行动，这些团体包括“基地”（al-Qaida）组织和塔利班的死对头“伊斯兰国呼罗珊省”（ISIS-K）组织。在这点上，我们同样要求他们对其承诺负责。虽然我们对塔利班有这些期待，但这不意味我们将依靠塔利班。我们自己将继续警惕地监视威胁。我们将在该地区保持强有力的反恐能力，有必要时，消除那些威胁，就像我们前几天所显示的那样，对在阿富汗的ISIS帮凶和紧迫威胁实行打击——也像我们在世界各地我们没有地面部队时那样。 让我直接来谈我们与塔利班在这些以及其他一些问题上的交涉。我们在过去几周里与塔利班交涉，以便进行我们的撤离行动。今后，与塔利班为首的喀布尔政府进行的任何交涉都将只出于一个动机：我们至关重要的国家利益。 如果我们能够与一个阿富汗新政府以一种有助于保障那些利益的方式合作——包括使从去年年初一直被扣押在该地区的美国公民马克·弗雷里希斯（Mark Frerichs）安全返回，并且以一种给阿富汗和该地区带来更大稳定和保护过去20年成果的方式合作，那么我们将合作。但是，我们将不会是基于信任或信念的基础去这样做。我们采取的每一步骤都将不是根据塔利班为首的政府怎样说，而是它为兑现承诺怎样做。 塔利班寻求国际合法地位和支持。我们的信息是：任何合法性和任何支持都必须靠赢得。 塔利班可以通过兑现承诺和履行义务来这样做——通过让旅行自由；尊重包括妇女和少数民族在内的阿富汗人民的基本权利；恪守反恐承诺；对选择留在阿富汗的人不施以报复性暴力；并组建包容性的政府，使之满足和体现阿富汗人民的需要和愿望。 第六，我们将继续向阿富汗人民提供人道援助。 冲突使阿富汗人民遭受惨重伤害。国内数百万人流离失所。数百万人在挨饿，甚至面临饥荒。COVID-19疫情在阿富汗也非常严重。美国将继续支持对阿富汗人民的人道援助。基于我们对塔利班实行制裁，这些援助将不经由政府，而是通过独立的机构组织，如联合国机构和非政府组织。我们期待这些努力将不受到塔利班或其他任何方面的阻碍。 第七，我们将就所有这些问题以及其他许多问题继续开展广泛的国际外交努力。 我们相信，通过与盟国和伙伴协同努力，我们能够取得更大得多的成就和产生更大得多的影响。过去两星期来，我们与盟国和合作伙伴进行了一系列密集的外交接触，安排和协调在阿富汗前进的方式。我会晤了北约和七国集团的外长。我们与数十个国家的同事进行了一对一交谈。上周，拜登总统会晤了七国集团领导人。副国务卿温迪·谢尔曼（Wendy Sherman）召集全球各地28个盟国和伙伴隔天举行一次共同会议。 接下来，我们将与该地区和世界各地的国家——以及主要的国际组织、非政府组织和私人行业——密切协调。我们的盟国和合作伙伴与我们有着共同的目标，致力于与我们一道努力。 在接下来的一些天里，我会更多地谈这些事务。我今天想说明的主要一点是，美国在阿富汗的工作在继续。我们有下一步计划。我们正在付诸行动。 这也是一个必须作出反思的时刻。阿富汗战争进行了20年。我们必须汲取教训，并且让它们对我们在国家安全和外交政策的根本问题上如何思考产生影响。我们有责任为了未来的外交官、决策者、军事领导人和武装部队成员而这样做。我们有责任为了美国人而这样做。 但是，与此同时，我们将继续不遗余力地关注今天和未来。我们将确保寻找一切机会，兑现我们对阿富汗人民的承诺，包括将数以千计的阿富汗人迎进我们的社区，就像美国人民在我国历史上过去多次表现出的慷概与友善一样。 我们以这种方式，向为了这个长期使命，直至今天，奋不顾身甚至献出生命的美国和许多其他国家的男女勇士致敬。 谢谢倾听。 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/secretary-of-antony-j-blinken-remarks-on-afghanistan/

08/30/2021 08:57 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Washington, D.C. Treaty Room SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good evening, everyone. Eighteen days ago, the United States and our allies began our evacuation and relocation operation in Kabul.  As you just heard from the Pentagon, a few hours ago, that operation was completed. More than 123,000 people have been safely flown out of Afghanistan.  That includes about 6,000 American citizens.  This has been a massive military, diplomatic, and humanitarian undertaking – one of the most difficult in our nation’s history – and an extraordinary feat of logistics and coordination under some of the most challenging circumstances imaginable. Many, many people made this possible. I want to commend our outstanding diplomats who worked around the clock, and around the world, to coordinate the operation.  They volunteered for duty at the Kabul airport.  They flew to transit countries to help process thousands of Afghans bound for the United States.  They deployed to ports of entry and American military bases to welcome Afghans to their new homes.  They staffed a 24/7 task force here in Washington, overseen by Deputy Secretary Brian McKeon.  And they built a list of Americans possibly seeking to leave Afghanistan, then worked to contact every single one of them, repeatedly – making 55,000 phone calls, sending 33,000 e-mails since August 14th.  They solved problem after problem to keep the mission moving forward. They did this because – for the thousands of State Department and USAID employees who have served in Afghanistan in the past 20 years – this evacuation operation was very personal.  Many worked hand in hand for years with Afghan partners, many of whom became trusted friends.  We also lost cherished members of our Foreign Service community in Afghanistan; we’ll never forget them.  Helping Americans, our foreign partners who have been by our side for 20 years, and Afghans at risk at this critical moment, was more than just a high-stakes assignment for our team.  It was a sacred duty.  And the world saw how our diplomats rose to the challenge with determination and heart. U.S. service members in Kabul did heroic work securing the airport, protecting civilians of many nationalities – including tens of thousands of Afghans – and airlifting them out.  They’re also providing vital support right now, caring for Afghans on military bases in Europe, the Middle East, and here in the United States. We’ve seen pictures of U.S. service members at the Kabul airport cradling babies, comforting families.  That’s the kind of compassionate courage our men and women in uniform exemplify.  They carried out this mission under the constant threat of terrorist violence – and four days ago, 11 Marines, one Navy medic, and one soldier were killed by a suicide bomber at the airport gate, as well as scores of Afghans. Nearly all of them were in their early 20s – just babies or toddlers on September 11th, 2001. These deaths are a devastating loss for our country.  We at the State Department feel them deeply.  We have a special bond with the Marines.  The first person that you see when you visit an American embassy is a Marine.  They guard our diplomatic missions; they keep us safe around the world.  We couldn’t do our jobs without them.  And we will never forget their sacrifice – nor will we forget what they achieved.  The most exceptional among us perform a lifetime’s work of service in a short time here on Earth.  So. it was for our exceptional brothers and sisters who died last week. Finally, I want to thank our allies and partners.  This operation was a global endeavor in every way.  Many countries stepped up with robust contributions to the airlift, including working by our side at the airport.  Some are now serving as transit countries, allowing evacuees to be registered and processed on the way to their final destinations.  Others have agreed to resettle Afghan refugees permanently, and we hope more will do so in the days and weeks ahead.  We are truly grateful for their support. Now, U.S. military flights have ended, and our troops have departed Afghanistan.  A new chapter of America’s engagement with Afghanistan has begun.  It’s one in which we will lead with our diplomacy.  The military mission is over.  A new diplomatic mission has begun. So here is our plan for the days and weeks ahead. First, we’ve built a new team to help lead this new mission. As of today, we have suspended our diplomatic presence in Kabul, and transferred our operations to Doha, Qatar, which will soon be formally notified to Congress.  Given the uncertain security environment and political situation in Afghanistan, it was the prudent step to take.  And let me take this opportunity to thank our outstanding charge d’affaires in Kabul, Ambassador Ross Wilson, who came out of retirement in January 2020 to lead our embassy in Afghanistan, and has done exceptional, courageous work during a highly challenging time. For the time being, we will use this post in Doha to manage our diplomacy with Afghanistan, including consular affairs, administering humanitarian assistance, and working with allies, partners, and regional and international stakeholders to coordinate our engagement and messaging to the Taliban.  Our team there will be led by Ian McCary, who has served as our deputy chief of mission in Afghanistan for this past year.  No one’s better prepared to do the job. Second, we will continue our relentless efforts to help Americans, foreign nationals, and Afghans leave Afghanistan if they choose. Let me talk briefly about the Americans who remain in Afghanistan. We made extraordinary efforts to give Americans every opportunity to depart the country – in many cases talking, and sometimes walking them into the airport. Of those who self-identified as Americans in Afghanistan, who were considering leaving the country, we’ve thus far received confirmation that about 6,000 have been evacuated or otherwise departed.  This number will likely continue to grow as our outreach and arrivals continue. We believe there are still a small number of Americans – under 200 and likely closer to 100 – who remain in Afghanistan and want to leave.  We’re trying to determine exactly how many.  We’re going through manifests and calling and texting through our lists, and we’ll have more details to share, as soon as possible.  Part of the challenge with fixing a precise number is that there are long-time residents of Afghanistan who have American passports, and who were trying to determine whether or not they wanted to leave.  Many are dual-citizen Americans with deep roots and extended families in Afghanistan, who have resided there for many years.  For many, it’s a painful choice. Our commitment to them and to all Americans in Afghanistan – and everywhere in the world – continues.  The protection and welfare of Americans abroad remains the State Department’s most vital and enduring mission.  If an American in Afghanistan tells us that they want to stay for now, and then in a week or a month or a year they reach out and say, “I’ve changed my mind,” we will help them leave. Additionally, we’ve worked intensely to evacuate and relocate Afghans who worked alongside us, and are at particular risk of reprisal.  We’ve gotten many out, but many are still there.  We will keep working to help them.  Our commitment to them has no deadline. Third, we will hold the Taliban to its pledge to let people freely depart Afghanistan. The Taliban has committed to let anyone with proper documents leave the country in a safe and orderly manner.  They’ve said this privately and publicly many times.  On Friday, a senior Taliban official said it again on television and radio, and I quote: “Any Afghans may leave the country, including those who work for Americans, if they want and for whatever reason there may be,” end quote. More than half the world’s countries have joined us in insisting that the Taliban let people travel outside Afghanistan freely.  As of today, more than 100 countries have said that they expect the Taliban to honor travel authorizations by our countries.  And just a few hours ago, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution that enshrines that responsibility – laying the groundwork to hold the Taliban accountable if they renege. So, the international chorus on this is strong, and it will stay strong.  We will hold the Taliban to their commitment on freedom of movement for foreign nationals, visa holders, at-risk Afghans. Fourth, we will work to secure their safe passage. This morning, I met with the foreign ministers of all the G7 countries – United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, Italy, Japan – as well as Qatar, Turkey, the European Union, and the secretary general of NATO.  We discussed how we will work together to facilitate safe travel out of Afghanistan, including by reopening Kabul’s civilian airport as soon as possible – and we very much appreciate the efforts of Qatar and Turkey, in particular, to make this happen. This would enable a small number of daily charter flights, which is a key for anyone who wants to depart from Afghanistan moving forward. We are also working to identify ways to support Americans, legal permanent residents, and Afghans who have worked with us and who may choose to depart via overland routes. We have no illusion that any of this will be easy or rapid.  This will be an entirely different phase from the evacuation that just concluded.  It will take time to work through a new set of challenges.  But we will stay at it. John Bass – our former ambassador to Afghanistan who returned to Kabul two weeks ago to help lead our evacuation efforts at the airport – will spearhead our ongoing work across the State Department to help American citizens and permanent residents, citizens of allied nations, Special Immigrant Visa applicants, and Afghans at high risk, if any of those people wish to depart Afghanistan.  We’re deeply grateful for all that John did in Kabul, and for his continued commitment to this mission, as well as the extraordinary consular officers who were serving by his side. Fifth, we will stay focused on counterterrorism. The Taliban has made a commitment to prevent terrorist groups from using Afghanistan as a base for external operations that could threaten the United States or our allies, including al-Qaida and the Taliban’s sworn enemy, ISIS-K.  Here too, we will hold them accountable to that commitment.  But while we have expectations of the Taliban, that doesn’t mean we will rely on the Taliban.  We’ll remain vigilant in monitoring threats ourselves.  And we’ll maintain robust counterterrorism capabilities in the region to neutralize those threats, if necessary, as we demonstrated in the past few days by striking ISIS facilitators and imminent threats in Afghanistan – and as we do in places around the world where we do not have military forces on the ground. Let me speak directly to our engagement with the Taliban across these and other issues.  We engaged with the Taliban during the past few weeks to enable our evacuation operations.  Going forward, any engagement with a Taliban-led government in Kabul will be driven by one thing only: our vital national interests. If we can work with a new Afghan government in a way that helps secure those interests – including the safe return of Mark Frerichs, a U.S. citizen who has been held hostage in the region since early last year – and in a way that brings greater stability to the country and region and protects the gains of the past two decades, we will do it.  But we will not do it on the basis of trust or faith.  Every step we take will be based not on what a Taliban-led government says, but what it does to live up to its commitments. The Taliban seeks international legitimacy and support.  Our message is: any legitimacy and any support will have to be earned. The Taliban can do that by meeting commitments and obligations – on freedom of travel; respecting the basic rights of the Afghan people, including women and minorities; upholding its commitments on counterterrorism; not carrying out reprisal violence against those who choose to stay in Afghanistan; and forming an inclusive government that can meet the needs and reflect the aspirations of the Afghan people. Sixth, we will continue our humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan. The conflict has taken a terrible toll on the Afghan people.  Millions are internally displaced.  Millions are facing hunger, even starvation.  The COVID-19 pandemic has also hit Afghanistan hard.  The United States will continue to support humanitarian aid to the Afghan people.  Consistent with our sanctions on the Taliban, the aid will not flow through the government, but rather through independent organizations, such as UN agencies and NGOs.  And we expect that those efforts will not be impeded by the Taliban or anyone else. And seventh, we will continue our broad international diplomacy across all these issues and many others. We believe we can accomplish far more – and exert far greater leverage – when we work in coordination with our allies and partners.  Over the last two weeks, we’ve had a series of intensive diplomatic engagements with allies and partners to plan and coordinate the way ahead in Afghanistan.  I’ve met with the foreign ministers of NATO and the G7.  I’ve spoken one-on-one with dozens of my counterparts.  Last week, President Biden met with the leaders of the G7 countries.  And Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman has been convening a group of 28 allies and partners from all regions of the world every other day. Going forward, we’ll coordinate closely with countries in the region and around the world – as well as with leading international organizations, NGOs, and the private sector.  Our allies and partners share our objectives and are committed to working with us. I’ll have more to say on these matters in the coming days.  The main point I want to drive home here today is that America’s work in Afghanistan continues.  We have a plan for what’s next.  We’re putting it into action. This moment also demands reflection.  The war in Afghanistan was a 20-year endeavor.  We must learn its lessons, and allow those lessons to shape how we think about fundamental questions of national security and foreign policy.  We owe that to future diplomats, policymakers, military leaders, service members.  We owe that to the American people. But as we do, we will remain relentlessly focused on today and on the future.  We’ll make sure we’re finding every opportunity to make good on our commitment to the Afghan people, including by welcoming thousands of them into our communities, as the American people have done many times before with generosity and grace throughout our history. In this way, we’ll honor all those brave men and women, from the United States and many other countries, who risked or sacrificed their lives as part of this long mission, right up to today. Thanks for listening.

美国国际发展署宣布与五个非洲国家的4.15亿美元的伙伴关系计划以加速初级卫生保健 2022/12/13 今天，在华盛顿特区举行的美国-非州领导人峰会（U.S.- Africa Leaders Summit）上，美国国际发展署（U.S. Agency for International Development）宣布建立新的伙伴关系，以加速科特迪瓦、加纳、肯尼亚、马拉维和尼日利亚的初级卫生保健。通过美国总统防治疟疾行动计划（U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative）和美国总统防治艾滋病紧急救援计划（U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief），今天宣布的伙伴关系利用我们在这些国家的全球健康足迹，得到每年平均超过4.15亿美元的支持，并加强协作以协调投资方式及显示在初级保健成果方面的可衡量的改进。 植根于强大的、得到良好支持的卫生人力资源的以初级卫生保健为导向的有韧性的卫生系统可以提高预期寿命及提高卫生公平性，并直观地应对疾病暴发及新出现的卫生威胁。美国国际发展署各部门所支持的大部分服务都是作为初级卫生保健的组成部分提供的。在初级保健层面推进基本卫生服务的整合，将能在个人生命的各个阶段提供“全人”照护，并优化用于横向系统投资的资源，以解决系统瓶颈问题，包括增强卫生人力资源。 新冠疫情导致了一个世纪以来全球预期寿命的最大降幅。重新关注初级卫生保健是美国国际发展署及伙伴国家弥补新冠疫情的损失的机会，并调整方针以推进我们的共同承诺，以及增强抵御未来卫生威胁的复原力和防范。 这项宣布是继美国国际发展署最近启动加速初级卫生保健协作（Accelerating Primary Health Care Collaborative）之后做出的，协作汇集了来自美国国际发展署各部门的有关专家，为该机构制定了一项协调一致的初级卫生保健方针，并促进了信息交流、技术一体化和协调，以便加速影响力。 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.usaid.gov/news-information/press-releases/dec-13-2022-usaid-announces-400-million-partnership-five-african-nations-accelerate-primary-health-care 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

USAID Announces a $415 Million Partnership With Five African Nations to Accelerate Primary Health Care 2022/12/13 Today, at the U.S.- Africa Leaders Summit in Washington D.C., the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is announcing new partnerships to accelerate primary health care in Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, and Nigeria. With the U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative and U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), the partnership announced today harnesses our global health footprint in these countries, supported by an average of over $415 million annually, and enhances coordination to harmonize investment approaches and demonstrate measurable improvements in primary healthcare outcomes. Resilient primary health care-oriented health systems, anchored by a robust and well-supported health workforce, can improve life expectancy, increase health equity, and respond intuitively to disease outbreaks and emerging health threats. A majority of services supported across USAID are delivered as components of primary health care. Advancing integration of essential health services at the primary care level will enable delivery of  “whole person” care across individuals’ life stages and optimize resources for cross-cutting systems investments that address systems bottlenecks, including a strengthened health workforce. The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in the largest global reduction in life expectancy in a century. A renewed focus on primary healthcare is an opportunity for USAID and partner countries to reclaim lost ground from the COVID-19 pandemic, and align approaches to advance our shared commitments and foster resilience and preparedness against future health threats. This announcement follows USAID’s recent launch of the Accelerating Primary Health Care Collaborative, which brings together subject matter experts from across USAID to define a cohesive primary healthcare approach for the Agency and facilitate information exchange, technical integration, and coordination to accelerate impacts.

安东尼·布林肯（Antony Blinken）国务卿表示:：“我们想要一种为直接、坦诚并且强健有力的公众交往提供空间的美中关系。‘艺术为人民’代表着美国社会的多样性，也体现了我们对与中国人民进行真正交流的深切承诺。” 2021年4月，美国驻华大使馆推出全新的“艺术为人民”公共艺术展，在北京街头重现美国街头的大型公共壁画。这是首次对我们使馆建筑外墙进行装饰的展览。 街头艺术是对所有人开放的一种非商业性的视觉表达方式——不需要入场券或邀请函，也不带任何附加条件。 美国城市拥有数不胜数的街头艺术范例，既有委托创作的作品，也有自发创作的作品。它们都同属一个丰富的公共艺术传统，这一传统证明艺术不仅仅属于私人博物馆或画廊。艺术为人民享有，由人民创作，它从最根本上代表着公众的表达。 这就是为什么我们将这项活动称为“艺术为人民”。 新闻公告：美国驻北京大使馆宣布举办“艺术为人民”公开展览 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Clay McAndrews Clay McAndrews是在密歇根的杰克逊举行的光明壁画节的创始人和联合指导。他获得了中央密歇根大学的图形设计专业学位。他的作品专注于主题简单、线条简洁的明亮调色板。 Stefan Ways “超过13年来，我一直在美国和全世界创作公共艺术项目，和业主、小公司、城市实体和大公司合作。” David Amoroso David Amoroso通过他的艺术作品表达对拉丁文化的崇拜。他对艺术的热情包括绘画、摄影、模板和丝网印花四个方面。 Scott Eagle Scott Eagle在位于北卡罗莱纳州格林维尔的东卡罗莱纳大学艺术与设计学院担任副教授以及该学院绘画项目的区域协调员。 Chris Riggs “竞选市长的”Chris Riggs是纽约市的一位当代艺术家，他的艺术作品是立体主义、抽象、超现实主义、极简主义、流行艺术和街头艺术独特的综合，这让他成为他这一代领先的艺术家。他的绘画和雕塑分布于50多个博物馆、画廊和私人收藏。 Tom Meyer Tom Meyer被称为“外行”艺术家。他的确是个自学成才的画家。Meyer主要用丙烯颜料在画布或画板上作画，他的绘画源自于灵魂里的冲动。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Michelle Angela Ortiz Michelle Angela Ortiz是一位视觉艺术家、娴熟的壁画画家、社区艺术教育者以及电影制作人。 Pony Wave Pony Wave是一位纹身师、街头艺术家和画家，目前住在洛杉矶，在那里经营她的工作室。 Thomas (Detour) Evans Thomas Evans，又名Detour，是一位全面的创作者，擅长大型公共艺术、互动视觉效果、画像、沉浸式空间和创意指导。 Nils Westergard Nils Westergard（NILS.RVA）是一位漂泊在外的比利时裔美国街头艺术家和电影制片人，住在弗吉尼亚州里士满市。 John Isaiah Pepion John Pepion是黑足联盟皮卡尼分支的平原印第安人图形艺术家。他来自在蒙大拿州中北部的黑足原住民保留地，落基山脉在那里与平原相接。 Louis Still Smoking Louis Still Smoking在蒙大拿州布朗宁市的黑足原住民保留地出生和长大。艺术流淌在他的血液中。 (艺术家提供了个人简历，以解释说明他们的作品和背景。艺术家的观点是他们自己的观点，不代表美国政府。) Betsy Casañas Betsy Casañas是视觉和公共艺术家、教育者、社区活动人士和组织者。 Ian Pierce Ian Pierce（或称Ekeko）是一位画家、马赛克艺术家和壁画家，在公共空间的大型艺术作品方面有着丰富的经验。 MasPaz MasPaz是一名出生在哥伦比亚、居住在华盛顿D.C.的多领域艺术家。 什么是街头涂鸦？是艺术吗？还是破坏行为呢？ 有人认为两者都是，有人认为两者皆不是，但有一点是肯定的：街头涂鸦(graffiti)已经存在了有数千年了。古罗马人和希腊人在建筑物上写上他们的名字和抗议诗。不过，现代街头艺术的根源始于20世纪六七十年代的纽约和费城的城市街头文化。 微博 微信 安装过程延时摄影视频 “艺术为人民”安装过程延时摄影视频 策展人讲述台前幕后的故事 这次展览的缘起是什么？

Secretary of State Antony Blinken:  “We want a U.S.-China relationship that includes space for direct, honest, and robust public engagement.  Art for the People represents the diversity of American society. It also embodies our deep commitment to genuine exchange with the Chinese people.” The U.S. Embassy in Beijing is launching Art for the People in April 2021, a brand new public art exhibit recreating large public murals from the streets of the U.S.A. onto the streets of Beijing. This exhibition is the first of its kind to decorate the exterior walls of our Embassy compound. Street art is a non-commercial visual expression available to all — no entrance ticket or invitation needed, no strings attached. American cities are home to countless examples of street art–some commissioned and some created organically.  All are part of a rich tradition of public art that proves art does not belong only in private museums or galleries.  Art is for the people, by the people, and represents public expression at its most fundamental. This is why we are calling this initiative “Art for the People”. Press Release: U.S. Embassy Beijing Announces “Art for the People” Public Exhibit

所有跨国收养的申请都在美国驻广州总领事馆受理。美国家庭所收养的儿童有三分之一来自中国，这一数字使得美国驻广州总领事馆的收养部成为世界上最大的部门之一。 更多关于儿童收养的信息，请访问美国驻广州总领事馆收养部的英文网站查看。 若有婴儿在中国出生，其美国籍父母应到美国大使馆或总领事馆进行登记。大使馆或者总领事馆会为新生儿出具一份《海外出生领事报告》并签发美国护照已备日后离境之需。《海外出生领事报告》等同于出生证明，可用于入学、就业或其他目的。 如需与公民处预约此项服务，请点击https://evisaforms.state.gov/Instructions/ACSSchedulingSystem.asp。如需预约北京的美国公民服务处，请将DS-2029表格和出生证发送到电子邮箱BeijingACS@state.gov。请注意，如您需要预约上海的美国公民服务处，请先点击https://evisaforms.state.gov/Instructions/ACSSchedulingSystem.asp完成预约后再等待领馆的确认邮件。如您需要预约广州的美国公民服务处，请发送电子邮件至GuangzhouCRBA@state.gov邮箱。如您需要预约沈阳的公民服务处，请务必先行预约然后前往办理业务。 若有婴儿在中国出生，其美国籍父母应到大使馆或总领事馆进行登记。大使馆会为新生儿出具一份《海外出生领事报告》（Consular Report of Birth Abroad，简称CRBA) 并签发美国护照已备日后离境之需。《海外出生领事报告》等同于出生证明，可用于入学、就业或其他目的。 请注意：《海外出生领事报告》上孩子的英文名字与当地医院出具的出生证上的名字必须完全一致。如名字为汉字的拼音形式可以被接受。 递交申请时必须出示文件原件。使馆官员在审核文件后会将所有文件的原件退还给婴儿的父母。由于使馆内禁止携带任何电子产品入内，所有申请所需的材料和照片请准备纸制版。为了更加有效的确立申请者的美国公民身份，提交申请时请携带下列文件： 请注意：申请人本人应与父母双方一同前来使馆办理此项业务。 在美停留期 在美停留期是指父母一方实际在美国境内停留的日期，即：离开美国外出旅行，包括度假，应当排除在外。保留在美的住所并不构成实际在美停留。注：任何被美国军方/政府或者法定的国际组织（例如联合国）派驻海外的时间可以被计为申请者在美停留期的一部分，以利于申请公民身份。作为上述人员的家属在海外派驻的时间同样可以被计入。服兵役记录或者其他证明可能会被要求提交。 美籍父母在海外出生的女子可以申请公民身份。以下列举几种新生儿获得美国公民身份的情况： 美籍父母在海外出生的婚生子女： 在美国境外或其属地出生的子女可获得公民身份。须提供父母一方在美国或者其属地居住过的证明， 居住时间（无时限要求）须发生在子女出生以前。 一方为美籍父/母和一方为外籍父/母在1986年11月14日或以后出生的婚生子女： 一方为美籍父/母和一方为外籍父/母在海外出生的婚生子女有可能获得公民身份。必须提交美籍父/母一方在美国境内或其属地居住5年的证明，其中至少2年是在其满14岁以后的居住时间。在美停留期必须是在新生儿出生以前的时间。 一方为美籍父/母和一方外籍父/母在1952年12月24日至1986年11月13日间出生的婚生子女： 一方为美籍父/母和一方为外籍父/母在海外出生的婚生女子有可能获得公民身份。必须提交美籍父/母一方在美国境内居住10年的证明，其中至少5年是在其满14岁以后的居住时间。在美停留期必须是在新生儿出生以前的时间。 美籍母亲在海外出生的非婚生子女： 美籍母亲在海外出生的非婚生的子女可获得公民身份。必须提交美籍母亲在孩子出生以前在美连续停留至少一年的时间证明。（注：美籍母亲须在美国境内或其属地连续居住一年。被美国军方/政府或者作为美国政府/军队雇员的家属派驻海外的时间将不被计入其在美停留期的一部分。） 美籍父亲在海外出生的非婚生子女： 美籍父亲和外籍母亲在海外出生的非婚生女子可获得公民身份。必须提交美籍父亲在美国停留时间的证明/证据，其要求同上述一方为美籍父/母和一方外籍父/母在海外出生的婚生子女。另外， 其他规定 当领事官员审核并签发《海外出生领事报告》以确定婴儿的美国公民身份之前，领事官员可能会要求婴儿父母补充其他相关文件。领事官员会告知哪些文件应该补充进来。 所有文件请勿邮寄而应当面提交到婴儿出生地或当前居住地所属辖区的大使馆或领事馆。 请注意，婴儿的父母在取得护照后应尽快为婴儿申请中国签证。如婴儿出生于北京， 请联系： 北京市公安局出入境管理处 北京市东城区安定门东大街2号 电话：8402-0101 如有疑问，请发送电子邮件至beijingacs@state.gov或致电8531-4000. 美国公民出生在海外的子女有权要求美国公民身份。以下就关于海外出生的子女要求获取美国公民身份的不同情况进行简要介绍。 父母双方为美国公民，生育的婚生子女： 父母双方为美国公民，假如其中一方在孩子出生前居住于美国或美属海外领地之一，他们在美国或美属海外领地以外生育的子女有权获取美国公民身份。对居住年限无特定要求。 父母一方为美国公民，另一方为非美国公民，于1986年11月14日或之后生育的婚生子女： 父母一方为美国公民，另一方为非美国公民，若美籍父/母一方曾在美国或美属海外领地之一实际居住达五年，其中至少有两年为他/她年满14周岁后居住的，他们在美国以外生育的子女可能有权获取美国公民身份。该实际居住必须发生在孩子出生前。 父母一方为美国公民，另一方为非美国公民，于1952年12月24日至1986年11月13日之间生育的婚生子女： 父母一方为美国公民，另一方为非美国公民，若美籍父/母一方在孩子出生前曾在美国实际居住达十年，其中至少有五年为他/她年满14周岁后居住的，他们在美国以外生育的子女可能有权获取美国公民身份。 母亲为美国公民，其于2017年6月11日或之前生育的非婚生子女： 美籍母亲在其非婚生子女出生前曾在美国实际居住连续一年（365天），她在美国以外生育的非婚生子女有权获取美国公民身份（注意：为美国政府或军队驻海外机构工作的时间，或是作为美国政府或军队驻海外机构的员工家属在海外的停留时间，无法视作在美居住时间）。 母亲为美国公民，其于2017年6月11日以后生育的非婚生子女： 美籍母亲在其非婚生子女出生前曾在美国实际居住累计五年，其中两年是在其年满14岁以后，她在美国以外生育的非婚生子女有权获取美国公民身份（注意：为美国政府或军队驻海外机构工作的时间，或是作为美国政府或军队驻海外机构的员工家属在海外的停留时间，无法视作在美居住时间）。 父亲为美国公民，其非婚生子女： 美籍父亲在其非婚生子女出生前曾在美国实际居住累计五年，其中两年是在年满14岁以后，他在美国以外生育的非婚生子女有权获取美国公民身份。父亲需要同时签署宣誓申明表示同意为其子女提供经济支持直至她/他年满18周岁。 在中国以外出生的子女申请海外出生证明 若孩子出生在中国以外，美国公民服务可接收其海外出生证明（CRBA）的申请。美国公民服务会将该申请转交至孩子出生所在地恰当的办公室（例如，出生在香港的孩子，其申请将被转至香港处理），并由该办公室决定是否签发海外出生证明以及何时签发。

All intercountry adoptions from China are processed at the U.S. Consulate in Guangzhou. Adoptions from China currently account for more than one third of all international adoptions to the United States, making the Guangzhou Consulate one of the largest adoption units in the world. For additional information about adopting a child from the PRC please click here to access Guangzhou’s Adoption website. For the latest information on intercountry adoptions for adopting parents, agencies, attorneys, social workers, and adoptees please click here to see the State Department Adoption website. U.S. Consulate General Guangzhou’s adoptions unit issues all immigrant visas to adopted orphans from mainland China.  Please visit Adoption.state.gov to begin researching this multi-phase process. China is party to the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Inter-country Adoption (Hague Adoption Convention). Therefore all adoptions between China and the United States must meet the requirements of the Convention and U.S. law implementing the Convention. Do not adopt or obtain legal custody of a child in China before a U.S. consular officer issues an “Article 5 Letter.” Our contact information is: Other Useful Links: General Instructions and Affidavit form Center for Disease Control and Prevention Technical Instructions for Vaccinations, Tuberculosis, and Congenital Syphilis Center for Disease Control and Prevention Frequently Asked Questions for Adoptee Families Regarding Tuberculosis The following are links to forms and instructions for adoption agency and prospective adoptive parent use: Non-Hague Adoptions Forms

日本东京 泉花园画廊（Izumi Garden Gallery）   日本标准时间下午4时42分   拜登总统：感谢各位今天来参加启动“印太经济繁荣框架”（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity）。 岸田首相，感谢你在我们准备这项宣布的过程中给予的领导与合作。 我们今天与印太地区的国家一道启动：澳大利亚、文莱、印度——顺便说一句，总理先生，也感谢你来到这里，印度总理——大韩民国、马来西亚、新西兰、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国和越南。 我们今天在这里只有一个单纯目标：21世纪的经济前景将在很大程度上由印太——即我们这个地区——书写。 印太地区涵盖世界一半的人口，占全球国内生产总值的60%。今天在座的国家和今后将加入框架的国家将要为一个面向所有人——我们所有人民——的经济愿景而努力，这个愿景就是：一个自由和开放、互联和繁荣、安全和有韧力的印太地区，并且我们的经济——这个地区的经济发展是有可持续性和包容性的。 我们正在为21世纪经济书写新的规则，从而有助于我们所有国家的经济更快速和更公平地发展。 我们将通过解决阻碍发展的一些最严峻挑战，并且最大程度地发挥出我们最强大的发展引擎的潜力，来做到这一点。 让我们从管理数字产品和服务的新贸易规则开始做起，从而使公司不必被迫为在一个国家经营而转让专有技术。 让我们作出首创性的供应链承诺，以便消除关键供应链中的瓶颈，并且建立预警系统，使我们能够防患于未然。 让我们——让我们致力于对清洁能源和脱碳作出其他首创性的承诺。 气候危机是一个生存威胁，正在给我们造成万亿经济破坏，但是，它也包含可观的潜力和机会，通过向清洁能源经济转型而创造良好的工作。 让我们堵住漏洞，杜绝窃取公共资源的腐败。 据估计，腐败消耗全球国内生产总值的2%到5%。它加剧不平等。它挖空国家为民服务的实力。 纳税和贸易同属一个框架，因为如果公司不缴纳应有的份额，政府就更难以支付贸易调整援助（Trade Adjustment Assistance）或者为教育、医疗服务或一系列共同投资提供资金——这给家庭造成极大困难，让他们感到无力抚养孩子和为孩子带来更好的生活。 这是最终我的经济政策——在国外和国内——我们国外和国内的政策的意义所在。这也是这个框架的意义所在。 所以，从今天的13个经济体开始——这些经济体代表着多方面前景——我们为共同的目标而努力。 这十分重要，因为我们成功的一个关键将是框架所强调的高标准和包容性。这个框架应促使印太地区各国争上游。 我想明确表示，这个框架将向未来希望加入的其他国家敞开，如果他们签署和符合目标并为实现那些目标而努力。 我很高兴过去两周来与你们许多人面对面见面。在美国–东盟峰会上，我在华盛顿和在我的亚洲之行中见到你们许多人。我非常希望今天倾听你们每个人的声音。 感谢你们抽出时间参加框架启动。 让我以这些话作为结束：美国在印太地区有深深的投入。我们致力于长期承诺，做好了捍卫我们愿景的准备，与朋友和合作伙伴——包括这里在座和在屏幕上的国家——共同使这个地区走向积极的未来。 这是我们议事日程的一项优先重点，我们将为取得进展每天不断与你们所有人共同努力，从而让我们能为我们全体人民带来切实、具体的福祉。 我相信这将是我们共同赢得21世纪竞争的途径。 再次感谢各位今天出席。我现在将请岸田首相讲几句话。 [活动出席人士讲话] 布林肯国务卿：谢谢。总统先生，现在请您作总结发言。 拜登总统：我将很简短。首先，让我感谢各位今天出席。并且，非常感谢首相先生对我们的款待。 我们启动了这个新框架。我感谢听到各位的意见和你们的贡献。显然，针对框架的每一支柱达成共识，我们前面还有许多艰苦的工作。 但是，我们今天的讨论表明，我们都认识到我们所需要的基本前进方向。确保印太地区自由和开放是我们的共同目标，它将为我们所有人的子孙后代带来更大的繁荣和更好的机会。 所以，让我们肩负起共同的使命，在完成启动后一道努力，朝着目标快速进展，并迅速推进首批承诺。 所以，再次感谢你，岸田首相，感谢你在这次启动中的有力领导作用和在东京对我们的欢迎。 我期待与各位继续一道努力，并加强经济合作，实现包容性发展和共同繁荣。 你们各位大概对这段时间——在过去一两个月里的时间里——见我见够了，但我再一次谢谢各位。我非常感谢各位正在进行的努力。我们能够——我认为我们能够取得一些切实的进展。 谢谢你们。 日本标准时间5时27分   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/05/23/remarks-by-president-biden-at-indo-pacific-economic-framework-for-prosperity-launch-event/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

MAY 23, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS Izumi Garden Gallery Tokyo, Japan 4:42 P.M. JST PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Thank you all for joining today for the launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity. Prime Minister Kishida, thank you for your leadership and partnership as we prepared for this announcement. We’re launching today with countries from across the Indo-Pacific — Australia, Brunei, India — and, by the way, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for being here as well — Prime Minister of India — the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, and New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. And we’re here today for one simple purpose: The future of the 21st century economy is going to be largely written in the Indo-Pacific — in our region. The Indo-Pacific covers half the population of the world and more than 60 percent of the global GDP.  And the nations represented here today, and those who will join this framework in the future, are signing up to work toward an economic vision that will deliver for all peoples — all our peoples: the vision for an Indo-Pacific that is free and open, connected and prosperous, and secure as well as resilient, where our economic — where economic growth is sustainable and is inclusive. We’re writing the new rules for the 21st century economy that are going to help all of our countries’ economies grow faster and fairer. We’ll do that by taking on some of the most acute challenges that drag down growth and by maximizing the potential of our strongest growth engines. Let’s start with new rules governing trade in digital goods and services so companies don’t have to hand over the proprietary technology to do business in a country. Let’s create a first-of-its-kind supply chain commitments to eliminate bottlenecks in critical supply chains and develop early warning systems so we can identify problems before they occur. And let’s — let’s pursue other first-of-its-kind commitments to clean energy and decarbonization. The climate crisis is an existential threat that is costing us trillions in economic damage, but there’s also incredible potential and opportunity to solve problems and create good jobs by transitioning to a clean energy economies. Let’s choke off the loopholes that get at the corruption that steals our public resources. It’s — it’s estimated that corruption saps between 2 to 5 percent of global GDP.  It exacerbates inequality.  It hollows out a country’s ability to deliver for its citizens. And tax and trade belongs in the same framework, because if companies aren’t paying their fair share, it’s harder for governments to pay for Trade Adjustment Assistance or to fund education or health services, or a range of public investments — that make it so hard for families, it feels like they can’t raise their children and give them a better life. That’s ultimately my economic policy and — and foreign and domestic — what our foreign and domestic policy is about.  And that’s what this framework is about as well. So, starting today with 13 economies — economies that represent diverse sets of perspectives as we work on pursuing our common goals. That’s critical because a key to our success will be the framework’s emphasis on high standards and inclusivity.  This framework should drive a race to the top among the nations in the Indo-Pacific region. And I want to be clear that the framework will be open to others who wish to join in the future if they sign up and meet the goals and work to achieve those goals. I’m glad to have seen so many of you in person this — the past two weeks.  At the U.S.-ASEAN Summit, I saw many of you in Washington, and during my travels to Asia.  And I’m eager to hear from each of you today. I thank you for taking the time to be part of this framework launch. And let me close by saying the United States is deeply invested in the Indo-Pacific.  We’re committed for the long haul, ready to champion our vision for a positive future for the region together with friends and partners, including the nations in this room and on the screen. It’s a priority in our agenda, and we’re going to keep working to make progress with all of you every day so that we can deliver real, concrete benefits for all our people. That’s how I believe we will win the competition of the 21st century together. So thank all of you again for joining today.  And I’ll invite Prime Minister Kishida to say a few words now. Mr. Prime Minister. (Event participants give remarks.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.  Mr. President, the floor is yours for closing remarks. PRESIDENT BIDEN:  Well, I’ll be brief.  First of all, let me say thank you for everyone for joining today.  And thank you very much for hosting us, Mr. Prime Minister. The — we launched this new framework.  I appreciate hearing from all of you and for your contributions.  And it’s clear there will be a lot of hard work ahead of us to forge consensus on each of the framework pillars. But in our discussions today, it’s clear that we all recognize the fundamental direction we need to move in.  We share the same goal of ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific that will deliver greater prosperity and greater opportunity for all of our children. So let’s all take all the tasks that we have together, work together coming out of this launch, and to speed our progress toward that goal and work rapidly to develop the first commitments. So thank you again, Prime Minster Kishida, for your strong leadership in this launch and for welcoming us here in Tokyo. I’m looking forward to continuing to work with all of you and to strengthen the economic cooperation to deliver inclusive growth and shared prosperity. You’re all probably tired of seeing me all this time — after all this time, in the last couple of months, but thank you again.  I really appreciate the work you’re all doing.  And we can — I think we can make some real progress. Thank you. 5:27 P.M. JST

美国国防部 华盛顿特区 2022年10月27日   国防部发布2022年战略评估——《国防战略》、《核态势评估》以及《导弹防御评估》   今天，国防部发布了非保密的《国防战略》（National Defense Strategy）、《核态势评估》（Nuclear Posture Review）和《导弹防御评估》（Missile Defense Review）。   国防部有史以来首次以综合统筹方式进行了所有重大战略评估，与《国家安全战略》（National Security Strategy）保持一致。通过整合这些文件，整个国防部正在将资源与目标相匹配。   2022年《国防战略》确定了国防部的战略方向和联合部队（Joint Force）的重点要务，指明了美国军队将如何应对美国国家安全利益以及一个稳定开放的国际体系所面临的与日俱增的威胁。   2022年《国防战略》明确了国防部为加强威慑而必须进行的四项最高层级的国防重点要务：           2022年《国防战略》还确定了国防部实现其优先目标的三种方式——一体化威慑、声势行动以及构建持久的优势。   2022年《核态势评估》重申，只要核武器存在，美国核武器的根本作用就是遏制对美国、我们的盟国以及我们的合作伙伴的核攻击。美国只会考虑在极端情况下使用核武器来捍卫美国或其盟国及伙伴的关键利益。《核态势评估》采取全面及平衡的方针来捍卫至关重要的国家安全利益并降低核风险，同时申明对安全、可靠和有效的核威慑以及强大和可信的延伸威慑的持续承诺。   2022年《导弹防御评估》强调了导弹防御通过削弱潜在敌人对其发动攻击能够得逞的信心，为一体化威慑助力。   有关战略评估的详情请见：https://www.defense.gov/National-Defense-Strategy/。   《国防战略》、《核态势评估》以及《导弹防御评估》请见：https://www.defense.gov/News/Publications/。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3201683/department-of-defense-releases-its-2022-strategic-reviews-national-defense-stra/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Department of Defense Releases its 2022 Strategic Reviews – National Defense Strategy, Nuclear Posture Review, and Missile Defense Review Oct. 27, 2022 Today, the Department of Defense released the unclassified National Defense Strategy (NDS), Nuclear Posture Review (NPR), and Missile Defense Review (MDR). For the first time in its history, the Department conducted all major strategic reviews in an integrated way, aligned with the National Security Strategy. By weaving these documents together, the entire Department is matching resources to goals. The 2022 NDS sets the Department’s strategic direction and priorities for the Joint Force, identifying how the U.S. military will meet growing threats to U.S. national security interests and to a stable and open international system. The 2022 NDS identifies four top-level defense priorities that the Department must pursue to strengthen deterrence: The 2022 NDS also identifies three ways in which the Department will achieve its priorities – integrated deterrence, campaigning, and building enduring advantage. The 2022 NPR reaffirms that as long as nuclear weapons exist, the fundamental role of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack on the United States, our Allies, and our partners. The United States would only consider the use of nuclear weapons in extreme circumstances to defend the vital interests of the United States or its Allies and partners. The NPR takes a comprehensive and balanced approach to defending vital national security interests and reducing nuclear risks while affirming a continuing commitment to a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent and strong and credible extended deterrence. The 2022 MDR underscores that missile defense contributes to integrated deterrence by undermining a potential foe’s confidence in its ability to mount a successful attack. Information on the strategic reviews can be found at https://www.defense.gov/National-Defense-Strategy/. The National Defense Strategy, Nuclear Posture Review, and Missile Defense Review can be found at https://www.defense.gov/News/Publications/.

2020年12月7日 美国东部标准时间下午03:43 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 美国根据修正后的1998年《国际宗教自由法》，将缅甸、中国、厄立特里亚、伊朗、尼日利亚、朝鲜、巴基斯坦、沙特阿拉伯、塔吉克斯坦和土库曼斯坦列入“特别关注国”名单，原因是这些国家参与或容忍“系统、持续且极为恶劣的侵犯宗教自由的行为。” 声明英文全文请见：美国对侵犯宗教自由者采取行动 (English)

12/07/2020 03:43 PM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State Religious freedom is an unalienable right, and the bedrock upon which free societies are built and flourish. Today, the United States – a nation founded by those fleeing religious persecution, as the recent Commission on Unalienable Rights report noted – once again took action to defend those who simply want to exercise this essential freedom. The United States is designating Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, Nigeria, the DPRK, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan as Countries of Particular Concern under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, as amended, for engaging in or tolerating “systematic, ongoing, egregious violations of religious freedom.” We are also placing the Comoros, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Russia on a Special Watch List for governments that have engaged in or tolerated “severe violations of religious freedom.” Additionally, we are designating al-Shabaab, al-Qa’ida, Boko Haram, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, the Houthis, ISIS, ISIS-Greater Sahara, ISIS-West Africa, Jamaat Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin, and the Taliban as Entities of Particular Concern under the Frank R. Wolf International Religious Freedom Act of 2016. We have not renewed the prior Entity of Particular Concern designations for al-Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula and ISIS-Khorasan, due to the total loss of territory formerly controlled by these terrorist organizations. While these two groups no longer meet the statutory criteria for designation, we will not rest until we have fully eliminated the threat of religious freedom abuses by any violent extremist and terrorist groups. There are also positive developments to share. I am pleased to announce that Sudan and Uzbekistan have been removed from the Special Watch List based on significant, concrete progress undertaken by their respective governments over the past year. Their courageous reforms of their laws and practices stand as models for other nations to follow. And yet our work is far from complete. The United States will continue to work tirelessly to end religiously motivated abuses and persecution around the world, and to help ensure that each person, everywhere, at all times, has the right to live according to the dictates of conscience.

白宫 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年11月2日 拜登总统在展现《全球甲烷承诺》所取得的进展的活动上发表讲话 苏格兰会展中心（Scottish Event Campus） 苏格兰格拉斯哥（Glasgow） 格林尼治标准时间下午1时36分 总统：跟在乌尔苏拉（Ursula）后面太轻而易举了。我认为她第一次就讲得非常好。 我会非常简短。我想感谢乌尔苏拉。而且非常感谢今天在座的每一个人，感谢签署这项扭转形势的承诺。 我们能够做的最重要的事情之一——而且和你们很多人一样，我不断提到这个决定性的十年。我们必须清楚我们将做些什么。这不仅仅是从现在到2050年。我们从现在到2030年将要做些什么将对我们——我们是否将能履行我们更长远的承诺产生显著影响。 而且我们在这个决定性的十年所能做到的最重要的事情之一——保持1.5度有望实现——是尽可能迅速地削减我们的甲烷排放。 正如已经阐明的，它是最强效的温室气体之一。它造成了我们今天所经历的变暖的大约一半——仅仅是甲烷排放。 因此，我们正在共同承诺到2030年携手将我们的甲烷削减30%。而且我认为我们可能还可以超越于此。 我们于九月在联大会议（General Assembly）才宣布了这套方案。在这被提及时有九个国家签署。今天，已经超过80个国家了；正在签署的国家已经接近100个。这接近全球甲烷——甲烷排放量的一半——或占全球GDP的70%。 而且它——这将促成巨大的变化。不仅仅事关抗击气候变化，正如乌尔苏拉指出的——个人的身体健康以及所有各种其他事项。这将改善健康、减少哮喘及同呼吸系统有关的急症。这还将通过减少作物损失及相关的地表污染来改善粮食供给。而且这还将增强我们的经济、节省公司企业的开支、减少甲烷泄露、捕获甲烷并将其转化为新的收入来源，同时为我们的劳动者创造薪酬良好的有工会的就业机会。 而且我们正在采取——而且我们正在谈论开发新技术来检测甲烷的工作岗位；让有工会的管道安装工和焊接工去到废弃的油井进行封盖并堵住泄露管道，而它们有数千英里长。 这还一直是一个根基——我的政府从最开始就做出的根本性承诺。这是我们——我竞选时的主张。今天，我要宣布削减美国甲烷排放的接下来的举措。 我们正在提出两项新规则。第一项通过我们的环境保护署（Environmental Protection Agency），将减少新的和现有的油气管道中的甲烷损失。另一项通过运输部（Department of Transportation），减少天然气管道中造成浪费的、有可能危险的泄露。他们在该领域有管理权。 我们还在启动新的行动计划，同我们的农民和我们的牧民共同引入气候智能型农耕方式并减少农场上的甲烷，而这也是一个重要来源。 这些都是我们新的甲烷战略的组成部分，它着重于削减甲烷排放的最大来源，同时让数千名——数千名——有技术的劳动者在美国各地走上工作岗位，我预期在你们的国家也是这样。 因此，请让我在结束时再次强调，这不仅仅是我们为保护我们的环境和我们的未来而必须要做的，而且还是一个巨大的机遇——对于我们所有人、我们所有国家的巨大机遇，来创造就业机会，并将达到气候目标也作为我们的全球经济重建的一个核心部分。 美国渴望同你们每一位合作以确保我们达到这个目标，并鼓励更多的国家——更多的国家——同我们一道致力于在全球削减甲烷，因为还有更多国家能够而且应当加入。 因此，我想再次感谢你们。有很多话要讲，但很多话都已经讲过了。感谢你们的伙伴合作。感谢你们的雄心魄力。 现在，我要再交给克里国务卿（Secretary Kerry），我想是这样。他还在场吗？他在这里。 非常感谢你们大家。（掌声） 格林尼治标准时间下午1时41分 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/11/02/remarks-by-president-biden-at-an-event-highlighting-the-progress-of-the-global-methane-pledge/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Remarks by President Biden at an Event Highlighting the Progress of the Global Methane Pledge NOVEMBER 02, 2021•SPEECHES AND REMARKS Scottish Event Campus Glasgow, Scotland 1:36 P.M. GMT THE PRESIDENT:  Well, it’s very easy to follow Ursula.  I think she says it all well the first time. Look, I’m going to be very, very brief.  I want to thank Ursula.  And thank you so much to everyone here today, you know, for signing this game-changing commitment. One of the most important things we can do — and I keep referring, as many of you do, to this decisive decade.  We’ve got to figure what we’re going to do.  It’s not just between now and 2050.  What we’re going to do between now and 2030 is going to impact significantly what we’ll — whether we’ll be able to meet our longer-term commitment. And one of the most important things we can do in this decisive decade is — to keep 1.5 degrees in reach — is reduce our methane emissions as quickly as possible. As has already been stated, it’s one of the most potent greenhouse gases there is.  It amounts to about half — half the warming we’re experiencing today — just the methane exposure. So, together, we’re committing to collectively reduce our methane by 30 percent by 2030.  And I think we can probably go beyond that. We just announced this package at the General Assembly back in September.  At the time, it was mentioned, nine countries had signed on.  Today, it’s over 80; it’s approaching 100 countries that are signing on.  That’s nearly half the global methane — methane emissions — or 70 percent of the global GDP. And it’s not — this is going to make a huge difference.  And not just when it comes to fighting climate change, as Ursula pointed out — the physical health of individuals and a whole range of other things.  It’s going to improve health, reduce asthma, respiratory-related emergencies.  It’s going to improve the food supply as well by cutting crop losses and related ground-level pollution.  And it’s going to boost our economies, saving companies money, reducing methane leaks, capturing methane to turn it into new revenue streams, as well as creating good-paying union jobs for our workers. And we’re taking — and we’re talking jobs to manufacture new technologies for methane detection; jobs for union pipefitters and welders to go out and cap abandoned oil wells and plug leaking pipelines, which there’s thousands of miles of those. And it has been a foundation — the foundational commitment of my administration from the beginning.  It’s something that we — I campaigned on.  And today, I’m announcing the next steps to reduce U.S. methane emissions. We’re proposing two new rules.  One through our Environmental Protection Agency that is going to reduce methane losses from new and existing oil and gas pipelines.  And one through the Department of Transportation to reduce wasteful and potential dangerous leaks from natural gas pipelines.  They have authority over that area. We’re also launching new initiatives to work with our farmers and our ranchers to introduce climate-smart agriculture practices and reduce methane on farms, which is a significant source as well. And this is all part of our new methane strategy, which focuses on reducing the largest source of methane emissions while putting thousands — thousands — of skilled workers on the job all across the United States and, I expect, in your countries as well. So, let me close again by reiterating this isn’t just something we have to do to protect our environment and our future, it’s an enormous opportunity — enormous opportunity for all of us, all of our nations to create jobs and make meeting climate goals a core part of our global economic recovery as well. The United States is eager to work with each of you to make sure we meet this goal and encourage more countries — more countries — to join us in committing to reducing methane globally, because there are more that can join and should. So, I want to thank you again.  Much more to say, but much of it has already been said.  But thank you for your partnership.  Thank you for your ambition. And now I’m going to turn it back to Secretary Kerry, I believe.  He’s still here?  There he is. And I thank you all so very much.  (Applause.) 1:41 P.M. GMT

The United States Trade Representative Logo 华盛顿特区— 今天，中国宣布将针对美国产品施加无正当理由的关税。为回应中国的决定，且为达到中国301条款调查的目的，特朗普总统已指示美国贸易代表办公室（USTR)对价值约5500亿美元的中国进口增加5%的关税。对价值约2500亿美元的中国进口征收25%的关税，美国贸易代表办公室将开始将关税税率上调至30%的程序，于公告和评论期后，于10月1日生效。总统本月早些时候宣布对价值约3000亿美元的中国进口施加10%的关税，现在关税将变为15%，于对该进口增加关税原订生效日期生效。 美国贸易代表办公室将尽快在《联邦公报》上公布有关今日声明的额外细节。

Washington, DC – Today, China announced it will impose unjustified tariffs targeting U.S. products.  In response to China’s decision, and in order to achieve the objectives of the China Section 301 investigation, President Trump has instructed the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to increase by 5% the tariffs on approximately $550 billion worth of Chinese imports.  For the 25% tariffs on approximately $250 billion worth of Chinese imports, USTR will begin the process of increasing the tariff rate to 30%, effective October 1 following a notice and comment period.  For the 10% tariffs on approximately $300 billion worth of Chinese imports that the President announced earlier this month, the tariffs will now be 15%, effective on the already scheduled dates for tariff increases on these imports. USTR will publish in the Federal Register as soon as possible additional details on today’s announcement.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2022年1月20日 简报 事实与谎言：俄罗斯炮制关于乌克兰的虚假信息 美国国务院与其他美国政府机构合作，了解到若干俄罗斯军事和情报实体正在从事针对乌克兰的信息对抗。这些活动包括传播虚假信息和宣传，试图将乌克兰和乌克兰政府官员描绘成俄乌关系中的侵略者。这些措施旨在影响西方国家，使它们相信乌克兰的行为可能引发全球冲突，并使俄罗斯公民相信俄罗斯有必要在乌克兰采取军事行动。以下是俄罗斯关于当前危机及其原因的谎言举例以及相关事实。 谎言：乌克兰和乌克兰政府官员是俄乌关系中的侵略者[i] 事实：普京政权的虚假陈述将俄罗斯的侵略归咎于受害者乌克兰。俄罗斯于 2014 年入侵乌克兰，占领克里米亚，控制顿巴斯的武装部队，目前已在乌克兰边境集结了 超过十万人的兵力，普京总统却威胁说，如果他的要求得不到满足，将采取“报复性军事和技术”措施。 谎言：西方正在将乌克兰推向冲突。[ii] 事实：莫斯科在乌克兰边境集结了超过十万人的兵力，引发了当前的危机，但在边境的乌克兰一侧并没有类似的军事活动。俄罗斯军事和情报实体通过编造虚假信息攻击乌克兰，试图将乌克兰和乌克兰政府官员描绘成俄乌关系中的侵略者。俄罗斯政府正在诱使世界相信乌克兰的行为可能引发全球冲突，并试图让俄罗斯公民相信俄罗斯有必要在乌克兰采取军事行动。俄罗斯将自己的侵略归咎于其他国家；相反，莫斯科有责任通过减缓紧张局势和外交接触和平地结束这场危机。莫斯科于 2014 年入侵乌克兰，占领克里米亚，并继续加剧乌克兰东部的冲突。俄罗斯一贯奉行侵犯该地区国家主权和领土完整的行为模式——2008 年入侵和占领格鲁吉亚的部分地区，至今未能履行其 1999 年从摩尔多瓦撤除军队和军火的承诺，而并没有得到摩尔多瓦政府的同意。 谎言：俄罗斯部署作战部队仅仅是在自己的领土上调整军队部署。[iii] 事实：在未能提供可信说明的前提下，将超过十万人的俄罗斯兵力——包括富有实战经验的作战部队和进攻性武器装备——部署到一个俄罗斯先前入侵并仍然部分占领的国家的边界​​，这不仅仅是部队轮换。这是俄罗斯对乌克兰主权和领土完整的一个明确的新威胁。这一兵力集结与紧锣密鼓地散布虚假信息的措施相结合，其目的是破坏对乌克兰政府的信心，并为俄罗斯进一步入侵提供借口。 谎言：美国计划在顿巴斯发动化学武器袭击。[iv] 事实：美国和俄罗斯是《化学武器公约》的缔约国。根据该国际协议规定的义务，美国不使用化学武器。然而，俄罗斯政府近年来两次使用化学武器攻击和企图暗杀对手，包括在外国领土上。自 2014 年以来，美国没有像俄罗斯那样加剧乌克兰东部的冲突，而是向莫斯科侵略行动的受害者提供了超过 3.51 亿美元的人道主义援助。俄罗斯正在利用高级官员的声明以及虚假信息和宣传机构散布彻头彻尾的谎言，试图为军事行动制造借口。 谎言：俄罗斯正在捍卫乌克兰的俄罗斯族人。[v] 事实：没有可信的报道提及任何俄罗斯族人或讲俄语的人受到乌克兰政府的威胁。然而，有可信的报道说，在俄罗斯占领的克里米亚和顿巴斯，乌克兰人面临着对其文化和民族认同的压制，并生活在严厉压制和恐惧的环境中。在克里米亚，俄罗斯强迫乌克兰人成为俄罗斯公民，否则他们将失去财产、医疗保健服务和工作。那些以和平方式表示反对俄罗斯占领或控制的人因毫无根据的指控面临牢狱之灾、被警察搜查住所、遭受官方认可的歧视、在某些案例中遭受酷刑和其他虐待。宗教少数派和少数民族人士被列为“极端分子”和“恐怖分子”调查和起诉。 谎言：自冷战结束以来，北约一直在密谋反对俄罗斯，以武力包围俄罗斯，违背了拒信作出的不扩大承诺，并通过让乌克兰未来加入北约威胁俄罗斯的安全。 [vi] 事实：北约是一个防御性联盟，其目的是保护其成员国。所有盟国在 2021 年 6 月的布鲁塞尔峰会上重申，“联盟不寻求对抗，不对俄罗斯构成威胁”。事实上，普京总统本人在 2002 年曾表示：“每个国家都有权选择确保其安全的方式。这也适用于波罗的海国家。其次，更具体地说，北约主要是一个防御性集团。” 北约没有包围俄罗斯——俄罗斯的陆地边界有两万多公里。其中，与北约成员国相邻的部分不到十六分之一（1215 公里）。俄罗斯与 14 个国家有陆地边界，其中只有五个是北约成员。 为应对俄罗斯对其邻国使用武力，北约于 2016 年向波罗的海国家和波兰部署了四个多国战斗群。这些部队是轮换的、防御性的、适当的，而且是应东道国的请求部署的。在俄罗斯非法占领克里米亚之前，并没有计划将盟军部队部署到北约东部。 北约从未承诺不接纳新成员。北约的扩大并非针对俄罗斯。每个主权国家都有权选择自己的安全安排并出于自卫目的加入防御性区域联盟。这是欧洲安全的基本原则，反映在《联合国宪章》中，也是俄罗斯在《赫尔辛基最终法案》及无数国际和区域契约中确认的原则。 显示北约与俄罗斯边界的地图。所示边界不一定具有权威性。 谎言：西方回避外交，直接采取制裁等措施。[vii] 事实：美国和我们的合作伙伴正在展开密集外交接触以化解这场危机，包括直接与俄罗斯政府接触。作为和平化解这一局势的全面外交努力的一部分，拜登总统与普京总统进行了两次会谈，美国官员与俄罗斯和欧洲官员举行了数十次高层会议和电话会议。俄罗斯是否愿意履行其作为国际社会一员的责任并采取措施缓解其引发的危机还有待观察。但我们也在公开和私下明确表示，如果普京总统选择进一步入侵乌克兰，我们和我们的合作伙伴将使俄罗斯经济蒙受迅速而严重的损失。 # # # [i] “现在他们告诉我们，战争，战争，战争。看来[乌克兰人]正在准备[在顿巴斯]进行另一次行动，并警告我们不要妨碍他们，否则将受到制裁。” —— 普京总统 https://web.archive.org/web/20220110200851/https://www.msn.com/en-gb/news/world/russian-mercenaries-deploy-into-eastern-ukraine-sources-claim/ar-AAS5OBj?hss_channel=fbp-44821210086 [ii] “我们必须注意自己的安全，不仅是今天，也不仅仅是下周，而是短期内。俄罗斯如何忍受这一切？我们是否必须始终保持警惕，观察那里发生的事情以及打击何时到来？但是，如果我们最终陷入您所询问的冲突，这一切意味着什么？这不是我们的选择，我们不希望这样”——普京总统https://web.archive.org/web/20211230075113/http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/67438 [iii] “我们将自行决定在我们的领土上做什么。”——俄罗斯副外长里亚布科夫https://archive.is/8q8NK#selection-3851.30-3851.69 [iv] “我们已经确定在阿夫迪伊夫卡市（Avdeevka）和克拉斯尼-利曼市（Krasny Liman）有 120 多名美国雇佣兵团体成员，以进行挑衅……装满不明化学成分的坦克被运送到阿夫迪伊夫卡市和克拉斯尼-利曼市，以进行挑衅。”——俄罗斯国防部长谢尔盖·绍伊古https://web.archive.org/web/20211225083153/https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2021/12/21/us-mercenaries-preparing-donbass-provocation-russian-defense-chief-a75892 [v] “我们看到并知道顿巴斯正在发生什么事情。这看起来确实像种族灭绝”——普京总统 https://web.archive.org/web/20220108143615/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-59599066 [vi] “……这一切都是在北约国家在乌克兰领土上积极进行军事‘扩张’的背景下发生的，这对俄罗斯的安全构成了直接威胁。”——克里姆林宫https://web.archive.org/web/20220110013538/https://www.jpost.com/international/putin-tells-uks-johnson-nato-members-are-threatening-russia-from-ukraine-688642 [vii] “[美国未来的制裁] 将是一个错误，我们的祖先会认为这是一个严重错误。过去30年犯了很多错误，在这种情况下我们最好避免更多这样的错误。”——总统外交事务顾问尤里·乌沙科夫 https://web.archive.org/web/20220108121328/https://www.voanews.com/a/biden-affirms-sanctions-threat-putin-says-that-would-be-colossal-mistake-/6376182.html   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/fact-vs-fiction-russian-disinformation-on-ukraine/

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JANUARY 20, 2022 The Department of State, working with the U.S. interagency, is aware of several Russian military and intelligence entities that are engaged in information confrontation targeting Ukraine.  These activities include the spread of disinformation and propaganda attempting to paint Ukraine and Ukrainian government officials as the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine relationship.  Such measures are intended to influence Western countries into believing Ukraine’s behavior could provoke a global conflict and convince Russian citizens of the need for Russian military action in Ukraine.  Below are examples of Russian lies about the current crisis and its causes – and the truth. FICTION:  Ukraine and Ukrainian government officials are the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine relationship.[i] FACT:  False statements from the Putin regime blame the victim, Ukraine, for Russia’s aggression.  Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, occupies Crimea, controls armed forces in the Donbas, and has now amassed more than 100,000 troops on the border with Ukraine while President Putin threatens “retaliatory military-technical” measures if his demands are not met. FICTION:  The West is pushing Ukraine toward a conflict.[ii] FACT:  Moscow instigated the current crisis by placing more than 100,000 troops on the border of Ukraine, with no similar military activity on the Ukrainian side of the border.  Russian military and intelligence entities are targeting Ukraine with disinformation attempting to paint Ukraine and Ukrainian government officials as the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine relationship.  The Russian government is trying to trick the world into believing Ukraine’s behavior could provoke a global conflict and to convince Russian citizens of the need for Russian military action in Ukraine.  Russia blames others for its own aggression, but it is Moscow’s responsibility to end this crisis peacefully through de-escalation and diplomacy.  Moscow invaded Ukraine in 2014, occupies Crimea, and continues to fuel conflict in eastern Ukraine.  This follows a pattern of Russian behavior of undermining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries in the region – invading and occupying parts of Georgia in 2008, and failing to honor its 1999 commitment to withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldova, where they remain without the government’s consent. FICTION:  Russia’s deployment of combat forces is a mere repositioning of troops on its own territory.[iii] FACT:  Deploying more than 100,000 Russian troops, including battle-hardened combat forces and offensive weaponry with no plausible innocuous explanation, to the borders of a country that Russia has previously invaded and still occupies in places is no mere troop rotation.  It is a clear, renewed Russian threat to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.  The buildup is paired with active disinformation measures designed to undermine confidence in the Ukrainian government and create a pretext for further Russian incursion. FICTION:  The United States has planned chemical weapons attacks in the Donbas.[iv] FACT:  The United States and Russia are parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention.  In accordance with its obligations under that international agreement, the United States does not use chemical weapons.  However, the Russian government has twice used chemical weapons in recent years to attack and attempt to assassinate opponents, including on foreign soil.  Rather than fuel conflict in eastern Ukraine as Russia has done, the United States has provided more than $351 million in humanitarian assistance to those affected by Moscow’s aggression there since 2014.   Russia is using statements from high-level officials as well as disinformation and propaganda outlets to intentionally spread outright falsehoods to attempt to create a pretext for military action. FICTION:  Russia is defending ethnic Russians in Ukraine.[v] FACT:  There are no credible reports of any ethnic Russians or Russian speakers being under threat from the Ukrainian government.  There are, however, credible reports that in Russia-occupied Crimea and in the Donbas, Ukrainians face suppression of their culture and national identity and live in an environment of severe repression and fear.  In Crimea, Russia forces Ukrainians to assume Russian citizenship or lose their property, their access to healthcare, and their jobs.  Those who peacefully express opposition to Russia’s occupation or control face imprisonment on baseless grounds, police raids on their homes, officially sanctioned discrimination, and in some cases torture and other abuses.  Religious and ethnic minorities are investigated and prosecuted as “extremists” and “terrorists.” FICTION:  NATO has plotted against Russia since the end of the Cold War, encircled Russia with forces, broken supposed promises not to enlarge, and threatened Russia’s security with the prospect of Ukrainian membership in the Alliance .[vi] FACT:  NATO is a defensive alliance, whose purpose is to protect its member states.  All Allies reaffirmed at the June 2021 Brussels Summit that “the Alliance does not seek confrontation and poses no threat to Russia.”  In fact, in 2002 President Putin himself stated “Every country has the right to choose the way it ensures its security.  This holds for the Baltic states as well.  Secondly, and more specifically, NATO is primarily a defensive bloc.” NATO does not encircle Russia – Russia’s land border is just over 20,000 kilometers long.  Of that, less than one-sixteenth (1,215 kilometers), is shared with NATO members.  Russia has land borders with 14 countries. Only five of them are NATO members. In response to Russia’s use of military force against its neighbors, NATO deployed four multinational battlegroups to the Baltic States and Poland in 2016.  These forces are rotational, defensive, proportionate, and requested by the host nations.  Before Russia’s illegal seizure of Crimea, there were no plans to deploy Allied troops to the eastern part of the Alliance. NATO never promised not to admit new members.  NATO enlargement is not directed against Russia.  Every sovereign nation has the right to choose its own security arrangements and to enter into defensive regional alliances for purposes of self-defense.  This is a fundamental principle of European security, reflected in the UN Charter, and is one that Russia has affirmed in myriad international and regional instruments such as the Helsinki Final Act.

白宫 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 2021年6月24日 对于香港和世界各地的媒体自由来说，这是一个令人悲哀的日子。北京的镇压行动日益加剧，已到了使香港迫切需要的独立新闻堡垒苹果日报（Apple Daily）停刊的地步。北京通过逮捕、威胁和强制推行惩罚自由言论的国家安全法，执意行使自己的权力镇压独立媒体，钳制不同意见。 独立媒体为强健和繁荣的社会发挥不可估量的作用。新闻工作者坚持真理，要求领导人承担责任并保持信息的自由流通——现在对香港和全世界民主受到威胁的地方来说，这一点比以往任何时候都更重要。北京必须停止打击独立报刊，释放被拘押的新闻工作者和媒体主管人员。从事新闻工作并不是罪行。 香港人民有行使新闻自由的权利。北京却否定各项基本自由，攻击香港自治及其民主机制和程序，不符合其本身承担的国际义务。美国毫不动摇地支持香港人民和所有坚持全体人民应该享有基本自由的人们。 ________________________________________ 欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/06/24/statement-by-president-joe-biden-on-hong-kongs-apple-daily/

Statement by President Joe Biden on Hong Kong’s Apple Daily JUNE 24, 2021 It is a sad day for media freedom in Hong Kong and around the world. Intensifying repression by Beijing has reached such a level that Apple Daily, a much-needed bastion of independent journalism in Hong Kong, has now ceased publishing. Through arrests, threats, and forcing through a National Security Law that penalizes free speech, Beijing has insisted on wielding its power to suppress independent media and silence dissenting views. Independent media play an invaluable role in resilient and prosperous societies. Journalists are truth-tellers who hold leaders accountable and keep information flowing freely—and that is needed now more than ever in Hong Kong, and in places around the world where democracy is under threat. Beijing must stop targeting the independent press and release the journalists and media executives that have been detained. The act of journalism is not a crime. People in Hong Kong have the right to freedom of the press. Instead, Beijing is denying basic liberties and assaulting Hong Kong’s autonomy and democratic institutions and processes, inconsistent with its international obligations. The United States will not waver in our support of people in Hong Kong and all those who stand up for the basic freedoms all people deserve. ###

请勿将I-407表格发送至广州办公室，我们不再处理这些请求。 如果您希望放弃您的美国永久居留权并放弃您的永久居民卡（“绿卡”），您可以提交I-407表格，放弃合法永久居民身份。 I-407表格可在此处获取 (PDF 345 kB). 请注意您提交的内容需要包括您的电子邮件地址 ，回邮地址 （中英文）和电话号码。 美国公民及移民事务局国际办公室不再接受以邮寄或亲自递交放弃合法永久居民身份的的I-407申请。 自愿放弃其合法永久居民（LPR）身份的个人必须通过邮件或快递将I-407表格发送至： USCIS Eastern Forms Center Attn: I-407 Unit 124 Leroy Road PO Box 567 Williston, VT 05495 您的申请在美国公民及移民事务局东方表格中心从收到开始会在60天以内处理完毕,不包括往返美国境外的邮寄时间。广州办公室无法为您提供案件最新状态。 如果您将I-407表格发送至广州办公室，我们可能会拒绝您的申请或转发给美国公民及移民事务局东方表格中心处理。我们无法向您提供其跟踪信息。 如有任何问题，请直接联系美国公民及移民事务局联络中心。 处理完I-407表格后，您将恢复非美国居民的身份。未来前往美国的旅行需要您遵守所在国家/地区国民相应的签证要求。 放弃合法的永久居民身份是不可改变的。放弃合法永久居民身份的个人必须重申获得此类身份。放弃您的永久居民身份不会阻碍您在将来申请移民美国，但是，您必须重新开始此过程并通过正常申请流程申请。

Please do not send the Form I-407 to the Guangzhou Field Office.  We no longer process these requests. If you wish to abandon your U.S. permanent residence and relinquish your permanent resident card (“green card”), you may file the Form I-407, Abandonment of Lawful Permanent Resident Status. The Form I-407 is available here (PDF 345 KB). It is important that your submission include your email address and return mailing address (provide the address in English and Mandarin).  Where to File: Please do not send the Form I-407 to the Guangzhou Field Office.  We no longer process these requests. USCIS no longer accepts Form I-407, Record of Abandonment of Lawful Permanent Resident Status at international field offices by mail or in person. Individuals who wish to voluntarily record abandonment of their lawful permanent resident (LPR) status must submit the Form I-407 via regular or express mail to: USCIS Eastern Forms Center Attn: I-407 Unit 124 Leroy Road PO Box 567 Williston, VT 05495 USCIS anticipates that processing times at the Eastern Forms Center, from receipt to completion, will be within 60 days, which does not include mailing time to or from outside of the United States. The Guangzhou Field Office is unable to provide you with case status updates. If you send the Form I-407 to the Guangzhou Field Office, we may reject the submission or forward it to the USCIS Eastern Forms Center. We will not be able to provide you with tracking information. Any questions should be directed to the USCIS Contact Center. After Submitting the Form I-407: Once your Form I-407 is processed, you will revert to your previous status as a non-resident of the United States. You will need to comply with any visa requirements for nationals of your country of citizenship for any future travel to the United States. The abandonment of lawful permanent resident status is irrevocable. An individual who relinquishes lawful permanent resident status must qualify again for such status. Abandoning your permanent resident status does not affect your ability to apply to immigrate to the United States at some future time. However, you will have to begin the process anew and apply through the usual application process.

拜登总统与乌克兰总统泽连斯基通话的会后汇报 2022年3月1日 约瑟夫·R·拜登总统今天与乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔‧泽连斯基通话，讨论美国继续支持乌克兰抵御俄罗斯的进犯。拜登总统强调美国对乌克兰持续的帮助，包括正在提供的安全援助、经济支持和人道主义援助。两位领导人讨论了美国正在与盟友和伙伴一道采取何种措施追究俄罗斯的责任，包括实施制裁，这对俄罗斯经济已经造成了影响。两位领导人讨论了俄罗斯针对乌克兰平民使用的场所进行的升级进攻，包括今天在娘子谷（Babyn Yar）大屠杀纪念馆附近的轰炸。

Readout of President Biden’s Call with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine MARCH 01, 2022•STATEMENTS AND RELEASES President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. spoke today with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine to discuss the United States’ continued backing for Ukraine as it defends itself against Russian aggression.  President Biden underscored the United States’ sustained help for Ukraine, including ongoing deliveries of security assistance, economic support, and humanitarian aid.  The leaders discussed how the United States, along with Allies and partners, is working to hold Russia accountable, including by imposing sanctions that are already having an impact on the Russian economy.  The leaders discussed Russia’s escalation of attacks on sites used by civilians in Ukraine, including today’s bombing near Babyn Yar Holocaust memorial. ###

媒体声明 内德·普赖斯，美国国务院发言人  3月16日 国际法院今天根据《防止及惩治灭绝种族罪公约》就乌克兰起诉俄罗斯联邦案作出重要裁决。该裁决明确无误地命令俄罗斯立即停止其于上个月开始的军事行动，并进一步指示俄罗斯确保受其指挥的各方，包括军队或非正规武装单位，不采取任何措施来推进此类军事行动。 国际法院根据《联合国宪章》在和平解决争端方面发挥着至关重要的作用。它强调了各国要按照包括战争法在内的国际法规定的义务行事。同时，法院对乌克兰平民的极端弱势处境、克里姆林宫的行动已造成的大量平民伤亡以及包括建筑物和基础设施遭损毁在内的重大物资损失深表关切。法院进一步指出其对俄罗斯政府使用武力深表关切，并强调法院对“正在乌克兰发生的人类悲剧的严重程度”以及“持续的生命损失和人类苦难”有深刻的认识。法院还指出了它没有任何证据证实俄罗斯关于乌克兰在顿巴斯地区犯下了种族灭绝罪的说法。 我们欢迎国际法院发布的命令，并呼吁俄罗斯联邦遵守该命令，立即停止在乌克兰的军事行动，并在乌克兰境内建立不受阻碍的人道主义通道。 美国将继续与我们的盟友和伙伴一道行动，以支持乌克兰

Welcoming the International Court of Justice’s Order Directing the Russian Federation to Immediately Suspend Military Operations in Ukraine PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON MARCH 16, 2022 The International Court of Justice today issued a significant ruling in Ukraine’s case against the Russian Federation under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The ruling clearly and unequivocally ordered Russia to immediately suspend the military operations Russia commenced last month and further directed Russia to ensure that anyone subject to its direction, including military or irregular armed units, take no steps in furtherance of such military operations. The Court – which plays a vital role in the peaceful settlement of disputes under the UN Charter – stressed the need for States to act in conformity with their obligations under international law, including the laws of war.  And the Court expressed deep concern about the extreme vulnerability of the civilian population of Ukraine, the numerous civilian deaths and injuries that have resulted from the Kremlin’s actions, and the significant material damage, including the destruction of buildings and infrastructure.  The Court further noted its profound concern with the Russian government’s use of force and emphasized the Court’s acute awareness of “the extent of the human tragedy that is taking place in Ukraine” as well as the “continuing loss of life and human suffering.”  The Court also observed that it did not possess any evidence substantiating Russia’s claims that genocide had been committed by Ukraine in the Donbas region. We welcome the Court’s order and call on the Russian Federation to comply with the order, immediately cease its military operations in Ukraine, and to establish unhindered humanitarian access in Ukraine. The United States will continue to act with our allies and partners in support of Ukraine.

2021年10月4日 华盛顿— 美国贸易代表戴琪今天在战略与国际研究中心(CSIS)发表讲话，概述拜登-哈里斯政府对美中双边贸易关系的新方针。 观看发言的现场直播：www.csis.org/events/conversation-ambassador-katherine-tai-us-trade-representative 戴大使的预定发言讲稿如下： 各位好。谢谢各位出席。我想要感谢何慕理（John Hamre）、比尔·赖因施（Bill Reinsch）和战略和国际研究中心(CSIS) 今天的接待。CSIS在我们的外交政策论述里扮演至关重要的角色。我在这里与各位谈全球最重要的议题之一，是恰当的。 我过去曾经说过，并且我会继续这么说：美中经贸关系是一个具有深远影响的关系。作为世界上最大的两个经济体，我们如何与对方相处不仅影响我们两国。它影响整个世界和数十亿的劳工。 这个双边关系是复杂且具竞争性的。拜登总统乐见此一竞争支持美国劳工，助长我们的经济，并增加国内的工作岗位。 他相信我们必须负责任地管理竞争— 并确保竞争是公平的。 太长的一段时间以来，中国对全球贸易规范缺乏遵守，已经损害了美国人和世界上其他人的繁荣。 近年来，北京加强以国家为中心的经济体系。越来越明显地，中国的计划不包括解决美国和其他许多国家共有的关切的有意义的改革。 我们有很多工作要做。 为了成功，我们必须直接且坦诚地面对我们面临的挑战以及若不应对这些挑战所带来的严重风险。我们必须探索一切选项，以规划最有效的前进道路。 在与中国的关系里，对美国劳工最好的是增长美国经济，以在美国这里创造更多机会和工资更高的工作岗位。 作为美国贸易代表，我计划要实现拜登总统的愿景，在美中贸易动态关系里实现以劳工为中心的贸易政策。我们需要展现，贸易政策在一般人的生活里可以是一股正能量。 我们将通过与我们的劳工重建信任，并将我们国内和外交政策对齐，创造能持久的贸易政策以造福广大范围的利益攸关者。 拜登总统已经清楚表明：我们的全球竞争力和创造共同繁荣的关键要从国内开始。我们必须做聪明的国内投资，提高我们自身的竞争力。我们必须投资于研发和清洁能源技术，加强我们的制造业，并激励公司在供应链从上至下都购买美国产品。 通过美国救援计划（American Rescue Plan）,行政部门对供应链韧性的关注，以及我们就我们技术领导力的投资，我们已经完成了这其中的部分工作。行政部门现正通过跨党派基础设施协议（Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal）以及重建更美好（Build Back Better）的议程，与国会紧密合作进一步推进这些行动。 至于美中贸易，最近几个月，拜登-哈里斯政府已经进行了全面审议。 今天，我将阐述我们行政部门调整对中国的贸易政策上的战略愿景起点，以捍卫美国劳工、企业、农民以及制造者的利益，并强化我们的中产阶级。 首先，我们将与中国讨论第一阶段协议下中国的履行情况。中国做了让部分美国产业能受益的承诺，包括农业，我们必须执行。 拜登总统将继续促进我们的经济利益—并建立美国产业信心。 第二，我们将开始启动有针对性的关税排除程序。我们将确保现有的执行架构最符合我们的经济利益。我们将保持在必要时继续开放排除程序的可能性。 第三，我们对中国以国家为中心、非市场的贸易做法继续持有严重关切，这些在第一阶段协议中没有涉及。在我们努力执行第一阶段协议的条款时，我们将向北京提这些更广泛的政策关切。 并且我们将使用我们拥有的各种工具，必要时制定新的工具，以维护美国的经济利益，免于遭到伤害性政策和做法的影响。 最后，至关重要的是，我们将继续与盟友合作，塑造二十一世纪公平贸易的规则，促进市场经济和民主体制的向上竞争。 在我开始谈我们计划的更多细节前，我想回顾美中贸易关系几十年来如何演变—我们是如何走到今天的这一步。 上个世纪70年代末到80年代中期，中国从世界上排名第11大的经济体升至排名第8。不到十年里，美国对中国出口翻了约四翻，进口增加了14倍。 这样的经济增长为中国加入世界贸易组织的努力铺平了道路。 当时世界面临着一个重要的挑战：如何让一个以国家主导的经济体整合进入一个由致力于开放、以市场为导向原则的经济体创立的贸易组织。 在设法应对这一困境时，有些人认为对中国的工业和农业出口与其扩大中的中产阶级能有巨大的提高。其他人的论点是，会造成加速和大量的失业。 最后，中国在2001年12月正式加入世界贸易组织。 接下来的15年里，美国对北京使用双管齐下的方针。 一方面，连续三任总统任内，每年都有美中高层官员对话。这些对话是为了促使中国遵守并内化世贸组织的规则和规范，并做出其他以市场为导向的改变。 然而，要中国做出这些承诺，几年来更形困难，而且中国的履行状况不一致，执行变得不可能。 另一方面的重点放在世贸组织的争端解决案件。我们对中国提出27件诉讼，其中一些官司是我去打的，通过与我们的盟友合作。我们在所有有裁决的案件里都胜诉。但是，即便中国改变了我们质疑的特定做法，他们并未改变根本的政策，而中国有意义的改革仍然难以实现。 近年来，中国的领导人更是加强了他们以国家为中心的经济模式。 面对着对话和执行两轨皆未带来有意义改变的现实，上一届政府决定使用不同的模式—美方单边压力—试图改变北京的做法。 上届政府针对中国的强制知识产权和技术转移政策展开调查—这些是存在已久且严重的问题。之后带来美国对中国进口的大量关税—以及中国的报复。在这个紧张关系不断升高的背景下，2020年1月，上届政府与中国达成了广称的“第一阶段协议”。 这项协议包括一套有限的承诺。这些承诺涵盖中国在知识产权和技术转移、购买美国产品，以及改善农业和金融服务业市场准入的义务。 它稳定了市场，尤其是美国农业出口。但是我们的分析显示虽然在某些领域承诺履行了，某些商业获得收益，其他领域却有不足。 但事实是，这项协议并未有意义地应对我们对中国贸易做法，以及这些做法对美国经济的有害影响的根本关切。 即便有了第一阶段协议，中国政府持续将数十亿美元投入特定产业，继续照着国家的意愿形塑其经济—伤害美国和世界各地劳工的利益。 我们看看钢铁行业。2000年时，有超过100家美国的钢铁公司。我们当时每年制造1亿公吨的钢，该行业在美国各地雇佣13万6千人。 不久之后，中国开始建造自己的钢铁厂。他们的生产力迅速膨胀，夺走美国钢铁公司宝贵的市场机会。低价的中国钢泛滥全球市场，抢走美国和世界各地公司的生意。 每关闭一家钢铁厂，就代表数百名劳工失去生计。靠着工厂存活的小企业倒闭，昏暗的建筑物压低房地产价格，也让社区一片惨淡。 今天，中国每年制造量超过十亿公吨—占全球钢铁制造近百分之六十。中国一个月的钢铁制造量比美国和世界上多数其他国家一整年的制造量还多。在美国，钢铁业的雇佣人数自2020年以来已下降百分之四十。 在太阳能光伏电池的制造中，我们看到中国不公平政策的影响。美国曾经一度是过去这个新兴产业的全球领导者。但是当中国扩大其自身的产业，我们的公司就被迫关门。 今天，中国占全球产量的百分之八十—太阳能供应链的多数部分在美国甚至已不存在。 美国的农业也没逃过。近年来我们对中国出口增加，但是市场份额正在缩小，对日渐重度依赖这个市场的美国农民和牧场主来说，农业仍然是难以预测的行业部门。中国的监管机构继续使用措施限制或威胁我们制造者的市场准入—以及他们的收益。 当前在半导体行业中，我们也看到令人担忧的动态不断发酵。2014年，中国出台了一份产业计划，宣布“2030年前建立起领先全球的半导体产业的目标”据报道，中国已经就这项工作投入了至少1500亿美元，未来还会有更多投入。其意图明显，就像当初和钢铁和太阳能的一样。 这些政策加剧了全球经济里的零和动态关系，中国的增长和繁荣代表美国和其他以市场为基础、民主的经济体的劳工和经济机会要受损。 这就是为什么我们在与中国的关系里，必须采取一个新的、全观的、务实的方针，能够切实地推促我们短期和长期的战略和经济目标。 我们与中国的经济关系不断演变，我们捍卫自身利益的策略也必须不断改变。随着时间，风险越来越高，提高美国竞争力更形重要。 我们的策略必须要应对这些关切，同时要具弹性和灵活度，以因应未来可能来自中国的挑战。 那么我们该如何做到这点呢？ 有别于以往，本届政府将以实力地位去进行接触，因为我们正在投资于我们的劳工和基础设施。 修缮我们的道路桥梁、港口现代化，以及部署扩大的宽带网路，这类投资将会开始为美国劳工和公司提供拥护他们的全球竞争力所需要的推进力。 而我们必须投资于教育和劳工培训，以发挥和善用我们人民的才华—这些投资都被包含在拜登总统的“重建更美好”计划里。我们也需要加倍努力作世界上最有创新力的国家，通过研究、开发和发明新的、新兴的技术。 中国和其他国家已经在他们的基础设施上投资数十年。如果我们要在全球市场上竞争，我们就需要在国内做同等或更大的投资。 这个持续的投资确保我们在21世纪里能够维持我们的竞争优势。 除了我们国内的投资以外，未来几天里，我也打算与中国的对口官员进行坦诚的对话。 这将包括讨论中国在第一阶段协议下的履行情况。 而我们将继续与中国就他们的产业政策进行接触。我们的目标不是要激化与中国的贸易紧张关系。 要持久共存就需要对我们行动的巨大后果负责和尊重。我致力于逐步解决这一双边进程中的诸多挑战，以带来有意义的成果。 但最重要的是，我们必须捍卫—彻底捍卫—我们的经济利益。 这代表要采取所有必要步骤，保护我们自己不受到多年来不公平竞争造成的一波波损害。我们必须做好部署所有工具的准备，探索制定新的工具，包括通过与其他经济体和国家协作。我们必须规划新的道路，改变我们双边贸易动态关系的轨迹。 重要的是，我们将与我们的盟友和志同道合的伙伴紧密合作，建立真正公平的国际贸易，从而实现良性竞争。 我已经在通过双边、区域和多边的交流接触努力加强我们的同盟。而我也会继续这么做。 我们在六月与欧盟和英国在世贸组织达成协议，解决大型民用飞机争端，这展现拜登总统的承诺，要与我们的伙伴合作为我们的劳工创造更公平的竞争环境。 就在上周，我共同主持了美国-欧盟贸易和技术委员会的第一次会议。欧洲加强他们自身对非市场做法的抵御，我们也将与他们合作确保我们的集体政策能奏效。 在七国集团、20国集团和世贸组织上，我们正在讨论市场扭曲和其他不公平的贸易做法，例如在渔业和包括新疆在内的全球供应链里使用强迫劳动力。 未来几个月和几年里，我们将会把工作基础建立在这个之上。 我们的目标是将深思熟虑、稳定和长期的思维带进我们方针里–并通过双边和多边的渠道工作。我们的策略核心是致力确保与我们的盟友合作，创造公平开放的市场。 全球经济里的各方都能增长并成功，这样的未来是存在的—在我们自己的边境内和各个边境之间繁荣兼蓄。 我们迄今为止所走的道路没有领向那个未来。我今天提出的，拜登总统的优先事项的目标是达到共同繁荣，对我们的劳工、制造者和公司好，对我们的盟友好，对全球经济都好。 谢谢。

October 04, 2021 WASHINGTON – United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai today delivered remarks at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) outlining the Biden-Harris Administration’s new approach to the U.S.-China bilateral trade relationship. You can watch the remarks live at www.csis.org/events/conversation-ambassador-katherine-tai-us-trade-representative. Ambassador Tai’s remarks as prepared for delivery are below: Hello, everyone.  Thank you for being here.  I want to thank John Hamre, Bill Reinsch, and the Center for Strategic & International Studies for hosting me today.  CSIS plays a vital role in our foreign policy discourse.  It is fitting that I am here speaking to you about one of the most important global issues. I have said this before and I will continue to say it: the U.S.-China trade and economic relationship is one of profound consequence.  As the two largest economies in the world, how we relate to each other does not just affect our two countries. It impacts the entire world and billions of workers. This bilateral relationship is complex and competitive.  President Biden welcomes that competition to support American workers, grow our economy, and create jobs at home. He believes we need to manage the competition responsibly – and ensure that it is fair. For too long, China’s lack of adherence to global trading norms has undercut the prosperity of Americans and others around the world. In recent years, Beijing has doubled down on its state-centered economic system.  It is increasingly clear that China’s plans do not include meaningful reforms to address the concerns that have been shared by the United States and many other countries. We have a lot of work to do. To be successful, we must be direct and honest about the challenges we face and the grave risk from leaving them unaddressed.  We must explore all options to chart the most effective path forward. When it comes to our relationship with China, what’s best for American workers is growing the American economy to create more opportunity and more jobs with better wages here in the United States. As the United States Trade Representative, I intend to deliver on President Biden’s vision for a worker-centered trade policy in the U.S.-China trade dynamic.  We need to show that trade policy can be a force for good in the lives of everyday people. We will create durable trade policy that benefits a broad range of stakeholders by rebuilding trust with our workers and aligning our domestic and foreign policies. President Biden has been clear: the key to our global competitiveness and creating shared prosperity begins at home.  We have to make smart domestic investments to increase our own competitiveness.  We must invest in research and development and clean energy technology, strengthen our manufacturing base, and incentivize companies to Buy American up and down the supply chain. We already accomplished some of that work with the American Rescue Plan, the Administration’s focus on supply chain resilience, and our investments in our technological leadership.  The Administration is working closely with Congress to build on those actions with the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal and the Build Back Better agenda. In terms of U.S.-China trade, in recent months, the Biden-Harris Administration has conducted a comprehensive review. And today, I will lay out the starting point of our Administration’s strategic vision for realigning our trade policies towards China to defend the interests of America’s workers, businesses, farmers and producers, and strengthen our middle class. First, we will discuss with China its performance under the Phase One Agreement.  China made commitments that benefit certain American industries, including agriculture, that we must enforce. President Biden will continue to promote our economic interests – and build confidence for American industry. Second, we will start a targeted tariff exclusion process.  We will ensure that the existing enforcement structure optimally serves our economic interests.  We will keep open the potential for additional exclusion processes, as warranted. Third, we continue to have serious concerns with China’s state-centered and non-market trade practices that were not addressed in the Phase One deal.  As we work to enforce the terms of Phase One, we will raise these broader policy concerns with Beijing. And we will use the full range of tools we have and develop new tools as needed to defend American economic interests from harmful policies and practices. Finally and critically, we will continue to work with allies to shape the rules for fair trade in the 21st century, and facilitate a race to the top for market economies and democracies. Before I get into further details around our plans, I would like to reflect on how the U.S.-China trade relationship has evolved in recent decades – and how we got to where we are today. From the late 1970s to mid-1980s, China went from the world’s eleventh-largest economy to the eighth-largest.  U.S. exports to China increased approximately four-fold, while imports grew 14 times in less than 1 0 years. This economic growth set the stage for China’s efforts to join the WTO. The world faced an important challenge at that time: how to integrate a state-led economy into a trade institution created by those dedicated to open, market-oriented principles. In grappling with this dilemma, some believed there would be huge boosts in industrial and agricultural exports to China and its growing middle class.  Others argued that accelerated and massive job losses would result. In the end, China officially joined the WTO in December 2001. Over the next decade and a half, the United States pursued a dual-track approach with Beijing. One track involved annual high-level dialogues between U.S. and Chinese officials over three successive presidential administrations.  These talks were intended to push China towards complying with and internalizing WTO rules and norms, and making other market-oriented changes. But those commitments became more difficult to secure over the years, and China’s follow-through was inconsistent and impossible to enforce. The other track focused on dispute settlement cases at the WTO.  We brought 27 cases against China, including some I litigated myself, and through collaboration with our allies.  We secured victories in every case that was decided.  Still, even when China changed the specific practices we challenged, it did not change the underlying policies, and meaningful reforms by China remained elusive. In recent years, China’s leaders have doubled-down on their state-centric economic model. Faced with the reality that neither the dialogue nor the enforcement tracks were producing meaningful changes, the previous administration decided to use a different paradigm – unilateral U.S. pressure – to try to change Beijing’s practices. It launched an investigation focused on China’s forced IP and technology transfer policies – longstanding and serious problems.  This led to substantial U.S. tariffs on imports from China – and retaliation by China.  Against this backdrop of rising tensions, in January 2020, the previous administration and China agreed to what is commonly referred to as the “Phase One Agreement.” This agreement includes a limited set of commitments.  These cover China’s obligations regarding intellectual property and technology transfer, purchases of American products, and improved market access for the agriculture and financial services sectors. It has stabilized the market, especially for U.S. agricultural exports. But our analysis indicates that while commitments in certain areas have been met, and certain business interests have seen benefits, there have been shortfalls in others. But the reality is, this agreement did not meaningfully address the fundamental concerns that we have with China’s trade practices and their harmful impacts on the U.S. economy. Even with the Phase One Agreement in place, China’s government continues to pour billions of dollars into targeted industries and continues to shape its economy to the will of the state – hurting the interests of workers here in the U.S and around the world. Let’s look at the steel industry.  In 2000, there were more than 100 U.S. steel companies.  We produced 100 million metric tons of steel annually and the industry employed 136,000 people in communities across the country. Soon after, China started building its own steel plants.  Its production capacity ballooned, depriving U.S. steel companies of valuable market opportunities.  Low priced Chinese steel flooded the global market, driving out businesses in the United States and around the world. Every steel plant that shuttered left hundreds of workers without livelihoods.  It also left communities reeling, as small businesses dependent on plants also closed their doors and blighted buildings brought down real estate values. Today, China produces over one billion metric tons annually – and accounts for nearly 60 percent of global steel production.  China produces more steel in a single month than the United States and most other countries in the world produce in an entire year.  In the U.S., employment in the steel industry has dropped 40 percent since 2000. We see the impact of China’s unfair policies in the production of photovoltaic solar cells.  The United States was once a global leader in what was then an emerging industry.  But as China built out its own industry, our companies were forced to close their doors. Today, China represents 80 percent of global production – and large parts of the solar supply chain don’t even exist in the United States. U.S. agriculture has not been spared either.  While we have seen more exports to China in recent years, market share is shrinking and agriculture remains an unpredictable sector for U.S. farmers and ranchers who have come to rely heavily on this market.  China’s regulatory authorities continue to deploy measures that limit or threaten the market access for our producers – and their bottom line. We also see troubling dynamics playing out today with the semiconductor industry.  In 2014, China issued an industrial plan to announce “the goal of establishing a world-leading semiconductor industry…by 2030.”  Reportedly, China has already spent at least $150 billion on this effort, with more on the way.  Its intentions are clear, just as they were with steel and solar. Those policies have reinforced a zero-sum dynamic in the world economy where China’s growth and prosperity come at the expense of workers and economic opportunity here in the U.S. and other market-based, democratic economies. That is why we need to take a new, holistic, and pragmatic approach in our relationship with China that can actually further our strategic and economic objectives – for the near-term and the long-term. As our economic relationship with China evolves, so too must our tactics to defend our interests.  As the years go by, the stakes keep getting higher and boosting American competitiveness becomes all the more important. Our strategy must address these concerns, while also being flexible and agile to confront future challenges from China that may arise. So how do we accomplish this? Unlike the past, this administration will engage from a position of strength because we are investing in our workers and our infrastructure. Repairing our roads and bridges, modernizing our ports, and delivering expanded broadband are the kinds of investments that will begin to give American workers and businesses the boost needed to embrace their global competitiveness. And we must harness and leverage the talent of our people by investing in education and worker training – investments that are included in the President’s Build Back Better plan. We also need to re-double our own efforts to be the most innovative country in the world by researching, developing, and creating new and emerging technology. China and other countries have been investing in their infrastructure for decades.  If we are going to compete in the global market, we need to make equal or greater investments here at home. That continuous investment ensures we can maintain our competitive edge throughout the 21st century. Beyond our domestic investments, in the coming days, I intend to have frank conversations with my counterpart in China. That will include discussion over China’s performance under the Phase One Agreement. And we will also directly engage with China on its industrial policies. Our objective is not to inflame trade tensions with China. Durable coexistence requires accountability and respect for the enormous consequences of our actions.  I am committed to working through the many challenges ahead in this bilateral process in order to deliver meaningful results. But above all else, we must defend – to the hilt – our economic interests. That means taking all steps necessary to protect ourselves against the waves of damage inflicted over the years through unfair competition.  We need to be prepared to deploy all tools and explore the development of new ones, including through collaboration with other economies and countries.  And we must chart a new course to change the trajectory of our bilateral trade dynamic. And vitally, we will work closely with our allies and like-minded partners towards building truly fair international trade that enables healthy competition. I have been working to strengthen our alliances through bilateral, regional, and multilateral engagement.  And I will continue to do so. The agreements we reached in June with the EU and the UK to resolve the large civil aircraft disputes at the WTO demonstrate President Biden’s commitment to work with our partners to create a more level playing field for our workers. Just last week, I co-chaired the first meeting of the U.S.-E.U. Trade and Technology Council.  As Europe strengthens its own defenses against non-market practices, we will work with them to ensure that our collective policies deliver. In the G7, G20, and at the WTO, we are discussing market distortions and other unfair trade practices, such as the use of forced labor in the fisheries sector, and in global supply chains, including in Xinjiang. In the coming months and years, we will build off of this work. Our goal is to bring deliberative, stable, long-term thinking to our approach – and to work through bilateral and multilateral channels.  The core of our strategy is a commitment to ensuring we work with our allies to create fair and open markets. There is a future in which all of us in the global economy can grow and succeed – where prosperity is inclusive within our own borders and across those borders too. The path we have been on did not take us there.  President Biden’s priorities that I’ve laid out today are aimed at achieving a shared prosperity that is good for our workers, producers, and businesses; good for our allies; and good for the global economy. Thank you. ###

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿特区 2020年6月24日 国务卿迈克尔·蓬佩奥（MICHAEL R. POMPEO）声明 中华人民共和国的空洞承诺 美国人民继续与我们在非洲各地的合作伙伴站在一起，抗击2019冠状病毒病（COVID-19）大流行带来的挑战。过去20年来，我们在非洲撒哈拉以南地区的公共健康领域投资1000多亿美元，到目前为止已为应对2019冠状病毒病投入超过3.6亿美元。这是承诺建设更健康、更繁荣的非洲的长期合作关系应有的表现。我们的政府，美国慈善家和美国企业对非洲健康作出重大投资，因为健康的人口使非洲——以及世界各地——更健康，更繁荣。 在上周的中国-非洲峰会（China-Africa Summit）上，我们不幸看到更多的空洞承诺和中国共产党的陈词滥调。虽然习主席说“我们要坚持人民至上，生命至上”，但是他未能承诺对中华人民共和国在释放出这一致命病毒中的角色做到真正透明和负责。在中国共产党向世界隐瞒有关2019冠状病毒病的真相直至为时过晚的时候，他不是将生命至上，我们现在继续经受着那些行动带来的灾难性后果。 我们注意到中华人民共和国声明致力于“认真”落实20国集团缓债倡议（G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative），然而，已经不成秘密的是，中华人民共和国是无人望其项背的非洲政府的最大双边债主，造成难以维持的债务负担。相比之下，美国的大部分对外援助是以赠款而不是贷款形式，目的是促进透明，由私人行业带动经济发展，使各方受益。将官方借贷公开化有助于要求政府对其决策负责和防止腐败——腐败行为剥夺公民的机会，损害国家主权。中国共产党需要不限于只发表含糊的公开声明，而是根据其20国集团承诺，开始全面和透明地落实20国集团缓债倡议。 美国在倡导透明和抗击传染病祸害的过程中继续是非洲最坚定的伙伴。空洞诺言和误导宣传将不会有助于让我们更接近真相。

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson For Immediate Release STATEMENT BY SECRETARY MICHAEL R. POMPEO June 24, 2020 Empty Promises from the People’s Republic China in Africa The American people continue to stand with our partners across Africa in confronting the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic.  We’ve invested more than $100 billion in public health sectors in sub-Saharan Africa over the last 20 years and more than $360 million in COVID-19 response so far.  This is what a long-term partnership committed to building a healthier, more prosperous Africa looks like. Our government, U.S. philanthropists, and American businesses invest so heavily in Africa’s health because a healthy population makes Africa — and the rest of the world — safer and more prosperous. At last week’s China-Africa Summit we unfortunately saw more empty promises and tired platitudes from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). While President Xi said, “we must always put our people and their lives front and center,” he failed to promise real transparency and accountability for the PRC’s role in unleashing this deadly virus. He was not putting lives front and center when the CCP hid the truth about COVID-19 from the world until it was too late, and now we continue to suffer through the disastrous results of those actions. We note the PRC’s stated commitment to “earnestly” implement the G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), as it’s no secret the PRC is by far the largest bilateral creditor to African governments, creating an unsustainable debt burden. Most U.S. foreign assistance, by contrast, comes in the form of grants rather than loans, in order to promote transparent, private sector-led economic growth that benefits all parties.  Public disclosure of official loans helps hold governments accountable for their decisions and prevent corruption – behavior that deprives citizens of opportunities and undermines national sovereignty.  The CCP needs to move beyond vague public statements and start to fully and transparently implement the DSSI in accordance with its G20 commitments. The United States remains Africa’s most committed partner in promoting transparency and combatting the scourge of infectious disease.  Empty promises and misleading propaganda won’t help get us closer to the truth.

新闻声明 国务院发言人内德·普赖斯 2021年7月29日 美国深切关注在中华人民共和国（PRC）的美国和其他外国记者所面临日益严峻的监控、骚扰和恐吓，包括报道最近发生的河南洪患灾情和伤亡的外国记者。美国政府重申美国人民对所有灾民的慰问之意。 PRC政府宣称欢迎外国媒体并支持他们的工作，但其行动却是大相径庭。其对任何视为批评PRC政策的新闻，借由通过官方媒体宣导的强硬言论，挑起负面公众情绪，进而造成紧张、当面冲突和骚扰，包括在网上对只是尽其职责的记者的言语虐待和死亡威胁。外国记者日益面临签证被拒或不许留在PRC，严重限制重要议题独立报道的质与量。我们要求PRC表现像一个想要欢迎外国媒体和全世界来到即将举办的北京2022年冬奥会和冬残奥会负责任的国家。 常务副国务卿谢尔曼与PRC官员于7月26日在天津会晤时，特别提到媒体采访自由、不被骚扰的自由和新闻自由。我们要求PRC官员确保记者的持续安全并得以自由报道。

PRESS STATEMENT NED PRICE, DEPARTMENT SPOKESPERSON JULY 29, 2021 The United States is deeply concerned with the increasingly harsh surveillance, harassment, and intimidation of U.S. and other foreign journalists in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), including foreign journalists covering the devastation and loss of life caused by recent floods in Henan. The U.S. government reiterates the condolences of the American people to all those affected. The PRC government claims to welcome foreign media and support their work, but its actions tell a different story. Its harsh rhetoric, promoted through official state media, toward any news it perceives to be critical of PRC policies, has provoked negative public sentiment leading to tense, in-person confrontations and harassment, including online verbal abuse and death threats of journalists simply doing their jobs. Foreign journalists are increasingly refused visas to enter or remain in the PRC, severely limiting the quantity and quality of independent reporting on important issues. We call on the PRC to act as a responsible nation hoping to welcome foreign media and the world for the upcoming Beijing 2022 Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games. In her July 26 meetings with PRC officials in Tianjin, Deputy Secretary Sherman specifically raised the importance of media access, freedom from harassment, and press freedom. We call on PRC officials to ensure that journalists remain safe and able to report freely.

美国的首要任务莫过于海外美国公民的安全与保障，其包括驻华使团人员和他们的家属。 2022年4月11日，国务院下令非紧急美国政府雇员和其家属自上海总领事馆撤离。从“授权”到“命令”撤离的改变意味着，我们现在强制某些雇员撤离上海，而不是任其自行决定。我们的态势改变反映出我们所做的评估，为了因应当地不断变化的情势，减少人数和缩小运作规模，对我们的员工和家属而言，是最好的决定。雇员和家属将搭乘商业航班离境。因为新冠疫情目前爆发的情势，国务院下达撤离命令。 伯恩斯大使和其他国务院和使馆的官员，持续向中华人民共和国官员提出我们对美国公民安全和福祉的关切。我们已告知中国政府命令撤离的决定。 美国使团的人员将全天候向在中国的美国公民提供紧急服务。使团内部已调整人员配置，来因应激增的紧急公民服务需求，包括由美国驻北京大使馆的一支团队来增援上海总领事馆。在条件允许的地方，照常向公众提供一般的美国公民和签证服务，美国驻上海总领事馆则将尽快恢复向公众开放。 美国驻上海总领事馆的命令撤离将每30天审视一次。我们对人员调整的细节虽不加以详述，但会持续调整人员配置态势，以因应需求和情况。 在上海的美国公民如果希望离开中国，商业航班仍有机位但数量有限。我们现在正着手处理持有确认机票的美国公民前往机场之事宜。 随着情况的变化，使团已向美国公民发送多个信息，包括4月6日和4月9日的对外声明。如果您是美国公民，我们建议注意或考虑下列几点： 如遇紧急情况，请拨打+(86)(10) 8531-4000。如欲获得更多信息，请见https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/contact/或发电邮至：

The United States has no higher priority than the safety and security of U.S. citizens overseas, including Mission China’s personnel and their families. On April 11, 2022, the Department of State ordered the departure of non-emergency U.S. government employees and their family members from U.S. Consulate General Shanghai.  The movement from “authorized” to “ordered” departure means that we are now mandating that certain employees depart Shanghai rather than making this decision voluntary.  Our change in posture reflects our assessment that it is best for our employees and their families to be reduced in number and our operations to be scaled down as we deal with the changing circumstances on the ground.  The employees and family members will depart on commercial flights.  The Department ordered the departure due to the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak. Ambassador Burns and other Department and Mission officials have continuously raised our concerns about the safety and welfare of U.S. citizens with People’s Republic of China officials.  We have informed the government of the PRC about the ordered departure. U.S. Mission staff will continue to be available 24 hours per day across China to provide emergency services to U.S. citizens.  We have adjusted staffing throughout the Mission to respond to the surge in demand for emergency citizen services, including providing supplemental support to Consulate General Shanghai by a team at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing.  Where conditions permit, regular U.S. citizen and visa services remain open to the public, and facilities at the U.S. Consulate General in Shanghai will reopen to the public as soon as possible. The ordered departure status of U.S. Consulate General Shanghai will be reviewed in 30-day increments.  While we do not comment on the details of staffing adjustments, we continually adjust our staffing posture to respond to changing demands and circumstances. For U.S. citizens in Shanghai who wish to depart China, commercial flights remain available but are limited.   We are engaged on the issue of airport access for U.S. citizen travelers with confirmed air tickets. The Mission has sent multiple messages, including public statements on April 6 and April 9, to U.S. citizens as the situation has developed.  If you are a U.S. citizen, we recommend noting or considering the following: In case of emergency, please call +(86)(10) 8531-4000.  Further information can also be found at https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/contact/ and emailing:

美国国务院 东亚和太平洋事务局（Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs） 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2021年3月16日 报告（Report ） 对参与中国破坏《联合声明》或《基本法》义务的外国人的最新认定报告 （Update to Report on Identification of Foreign Persons Involved in the Erosion of the Obligations of China Under the Joint Declaration or the Basic Law） 2020年10月14日，国务卿根据《香港自治法》（Hong Kong Autonomy Act）(《自治法》“HKAA”) 第5(a)款向国会提交报告，列出10名外籍人名单。国务卿经与财政部长磋商确定，基于《自治法》第5(a)款的定义，这十人对中华人民共和国不履行其对《中英联合声明》（Sino – British Joint Declaration）（《联合声明》“Joint Declaration”）或香港《基本法》（Basic Law）的义务正在发挥实质性作用，发挥过实质性作用，或者试图发挥实质性作用。按照《自治法》第5(a)款的规定，本报告对10月14日的报告作出更新。 根据《自治法》第5(a)款，国务卿经与财政部长磋商确定，基于《自治法》第5(a)款的定义，下列24人对中华人民共和国不履行其对《中英联合声明》或香港《基本法》（Basic Law）的义务正在发挥实质性作用，发挥过实质性作用，或者试图发挥实质性作用。同样根据第5(a)款的要求，下列名单包含1）所列外籍人的姓名；2）对此外籍人被列入名单的原因的明确解释和对导致其被列入名单的有关活动的说明。 [英文编注：英文原文中有关下列人员的具体个人信息从略。] 王晨（Wang Chen  ） 尤权（You Quan） 曹建明（Cao Jianming） 张春贤（Zhang Chunxian） 沈跃跃（Shen Yueyue） 吉炳轩（Ji Bingxuan） 艾力更·依明巴海（Arken Imirbaki） 万鄂湘（Wan Exiang） 陈竺（Chen Zhu） 王东明（Wang Dongming） 白玛赤林（Padma Choling） 丁仲礼（Ding Zhongli） 郝明金（Hao Mingjin） 蔡达峰（Cai Dafeng） 武维华（Wu Weihua） 邓中华（Deng Zhonghua） 李江舟（Li Jiangzhou） 刘赐蕙（Edwina Lau） 李桂华（Li Kwai-Wah） 蔡展鹏（Frederic Choi Chin-Pang） 江学礼（Kelvin Kong Hok Lai） 简启恩（Andrew Kan Kai Yan） 谭耀宗（Tam Yiu-Chung） 孙青野，又名孙文清（Sun Wenqing, AKA Sun Qingye） 查看2020年10月14日发布的报告原文，请点击这里： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/zh/identification-of-foreign-persons-involved-in-the-erosion-of-the-obligations-of-china-under-the-joint-declaration-or-the-basic-law-zh/

Update to Report on Identification of Foreign Persons Involved in the Erosion of the Obligations of China Under the Joint Declaration or the Basic Law REPORT BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS On October 14, 2020, the Secretary of State submitted a report to Congress pursuant to section 5(a) of the Hong Kong Autonomy Act (HKAA), which listed 10 foreign persons that the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, determined are materially contributing to, have materially contributed to, or attempted to materially contribute to the failure of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to meet its obligations under the Sino – British Joint Declaration (“Joint Declaration”) or Hong Kong’s Basic Law, as this is defined by section 5(g) of the HKAA. This is an update to the October 14 report, consistent with section 5(e) of the HKAA. Pursuant to section 5(a) of the HKAA, the Secretary of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, has determined that the 24 foreign persons listed below are materially contributing to, have materially contributed to, or attempt to materially contribute to the failure of the PRC to meet its obligations under the Joint Declaration or the Basic Law, as defined in section 5(g) of the HKAA. As also required under section 5(a), the list below includes (1) an identification of the foreign person; and (2) a clear explanation for why the foreign person was identified and a description of the activity that resulted in the identification. Wang Chen is a member of the Chinese Communist Party’s elite 25-person Politburo and the ranking Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. You Quan is the Head of the Chinese Communist Party’s United Front Work Department and Vice Chairman of the Central Leading Group on Hong Kong and Macau Affairs (“Leading Group”), which is an organ of the Chinese Communist Party through which it oversees matters related to Hong Kong. The Leading Group was involved in drafting of and deliberations over the National Security Law. Cao Jianming is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Zhang Chunxian is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Shen Yueyue is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Ji Bingxuan is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Arken Imirbaki is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Wan Exiang is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Chen Zhu is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Wang Dongming is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Padma Choling is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Ding Zhongli is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Hao Mingjin is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Cai Dafeng is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Wu Weihua is a Vice-Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Deng Zhonghua is the Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. As Deputy Director, Deng helps oversee the Office’s operations and its promotion of the principles and policies of the central government concerning Hong Kong, including the National Security Law. During Deng’s tenure, the Office has taken a number of actions to interfere in Hong Kong’s autonomy, including issuing statements asserting its authority to supervise Hong Kong’s internal affairs in contradiction to the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Li Jiangzhou is a Deputy of the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central Government in Hong Kong. The Office was created under the National Security Law and is responsible for overseeing law enforcement mechanisms and coordinating the central government’s ultimate responsibilities over security matters in the city. Edwina Lau is a Deputy Commissioner of the Hong Kong Police Force and the head of its National Security Division (NSD). Lau is in charge of the NSD, which was set up under the National Security Law to handle matters related to national security, including investigating crimes under the Law. The NSD has carried out a number of arrests under the Law and was involved in the mass arrests of fifty-five pro-democracy politicians and activists in Hong Kong on January 6-7. Li Kwai-Wah is a Senior Superintendent of the NSD, which was set up under the National Security Law to handle matters related to national security, including investigating crimes under the Law. The NSD has carried out dozens of arrests under the Law, including and was involved in the mass arrests of fifty-five pro-democracy politicians and activists in Hong Kong on January 6-7. Frederic Choi Chin-Pang is the Director of National Security of the NSD, which was set up under the National Security Law to handle matters related to national security, including investigating crimes under the Law. The NSD has carried out dozens of arrests under the Law, including the mass arrests of fifty-five pro-democracy politicians and activists in Hong Kong on January 6-7. Kelvin Kong Hok Lai is an Assistant Commissioner in the NSD, which was set up under the National Security Law to handle matters related to national security, including investigating crimes under the Law. The NSD has carried out dozens of arrests under the Law, including the mass arrests of fifty-five pro-democracy politicians and activists in Hong Kong on January 6-7. Andrew Kan Kai Yan is an Assistant Commissioner in the NSD, which was set up under the National Security Law to handle matters related to national security, including investigating crimes under the Law. The NSD has carried out a number of arrests under the Law and was involved in the mass arrests of fifty-five pro-democracy politicians and activists in Hong Kong on January 6-7. Tam Yiu-Chung is the Hong Kong delegate to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, which was responsible for developing and adopting the National Security Law. The Standing Committee drafted the National Security Law, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The Standing Committee then voted unanimously to adopt the National Security Law and listed it in Annex III of the Basic Law, allowing it to be enforced in Hong Kong. Sun Wenqing, AKA Sun Qingye, is a Deputy of the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central Government in Hong Kong. The Office was created under the National Security Law and is responsible for overseeing law enforcement mechanisms and coordinating the central government’s responsibilities regarding security matters in the city. For the original report released October 14, 2020, please click here: https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/identification-of-foreign-persons-involved-in-the-erosion-of-the-obligations-of-china-under-the-joint-declaration-or-the-basic-law/

坐落在中国商业与金融中心的美国驻上海总领事馆包含来自美国国务部、商务部以及农业部的雇员，领区的总人口超过2.17亿。 总领事馆在其领区——上海市、浙江省、江苏省、安徽省——或简称“华东地区”的范围内宣传美国政策、推进美国价值和观点，向美国官员提供领区发展情况的信息。总领事馆推动美国对华东地区的出口贸易，支持基于市场需求的改革和知识产权的保护，并为符合条件的赴美游客签发非移民签证。 总领事馆签证处签发的非移民签证数量在全世界美国使领馆中排名第三。此外，总领事馆的美国公民服务处（ACS）为居住在领区内的四万美国公民以及每年访问该地区近150万名美国游客提供服务。 美国驻上海总领事馆简介 美国驻上海总领事馆始建于1844年，并于1980年重新开馆。现址位于淮海中路1469号一座20世纪早期建造的宅邸内。另外，领馆也在梅陇镇广场和南京西路上海商城设有办公室。 美国驻上海总领事馆历史 美国驻上海总领事馆的历史可以追溯到美中两国建交初期，它是远东地区历史最悠久的美国外交和领事机构之一，也是在中国设立的第二个美国外交机构。

Situated in the commercial and financial center of China, the U.S. Consulate General in Shanghai includes staff from the Departments of State, Commerce, and Agriculture.  The Consulate General represents the United States in a district that is home to over 217 million people. The Consulate General promotes U.S. policy and greater understanding of American values and views, and informs U.S. officials on developments in Shanghai, as well as the nearby provinces of Zhejiang, Jiangsu, and Anhui, or “East China.”  The Consulate General works to increase U.S. exports to East China, supports market-based reforms and intellectual property rights protection, and facilitates legitimate travel to the U.S. by providing non-immigrant visa services. The Consulate General’s Consular Section issues the third-largest number of non-immigrant visas in the world.  In addition, the American Citizen Services (ACS) Unit of the Consular Section assists the 40,000 U.S. citizen residents and almost 1.5 million U.S. citizens who visit East China every year.

谢尔曼常务副国务卿与欧盟政治与安全委员会的会晤 2022年1月11日美国东部标准时间下午4:59 发言人办公室   以下内容来自发言人内德·普赖斯： 常务副国务卿温迪·谢尔曼（Wendy Sherman）今天在布鲁塞尔与来自欧盟政治与安全委员会的大使们举行了会晤，讨论俄罗斯在乌克兰边境的无端军事集结，并提供一份关于昨天在日内瓦举行的美俄战略稳定对话的简报。此次会晤强调，美国致力于与欧盟及其成员国密切合作，以共同应对这一紧迫的挑战。他们申明美国和欧盟对乌克兰主权和领土完整的坚定支持。常务副国务卿感谢委员会所做的工作，包括协调一致的经济措施，以确保俄罗斯对乌克兰的任何进一步军事入侵行动都会给俄罗斯联邦带来严重代价。

Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Meeting with the EU Political and Security Committee READOUT OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON JANUARY 11, 2022 The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price: Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman met with ambassadors from the EU’s Political and Security Committee today in Brussels to discuss Russia’s unprovoked military build-up along Ukraine’s border and to provide a readout of the U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogue, which was held yesterday in Geneva.  The meeting underscored the U.S. commitment to work closely with the EU and its member states to address this urgent challenge together.  They affirmed the United States’ and EU’s unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.  The Deputy Secretary thanked the Committee for their work to ensure any further Russian military invasion of Ukraine would result in severe costs, including coordinated economic measures, for the Russian Federation.

2022年1月31日 一年前，缅甸军方否定了缅甸人民的意志，推翻了民主选举的政府，并在一场军事政变中篡权。  自那以后，该政权针对包括儿童在内的平民犯下了擢发难数的暴行和罄竹难书的暴力。超过1500人丧命。数以千计的人被不公正的拘押或是经受虚假审判。腐败现象猖獗。国内冲突恶化。军事政变导致缅甸各地苦难丛生，破坏了区域稳定，而该政权的领导者以及他们的支持者却试图从他们制造的混乱中牟利。尽管缅甸各地数百万人亟需拯救生命的援助，该政权却拒绝人道主义准入，并袭击援助人员。 我们谴责这些暴行，我们正在与我们的伙伴和盟友密切合作，包括在东盟的伙伴和盟友，以追究所有对政变和袭击平民负责的人的责任。军政府必须改变方针，释放所有被不公正拘押的人，包括昂山素季和温敏、其他民选领导人、记者、民间社会领袖、活动人士和外国公民。必须允许人道主义工作者不受阻碍地进入。缅甸政权应立即与各方进行有意义的对话，让缅甸重返民主道路。 如果缅甸政权继续阻止缅甸人民发出民主的声音，我们就将继续让军方及其支持者付出更大的代价。 致缅甸人民：我们没有忘记你们的斗争。我们将继续支持你们为自己国家带来民主与法治的勇敢决心。

JANUARY 31, 2022 One year ago, the Burmese military denied the will of the people of Burma, overthrew the democratically elected government, and seized power in a coup d’etat. Since then, the regime has perpetrated countless brutal actions and committed unspeakable violence against civilians, including children. More than 1,500 people have been killed. Thousands have been unjustly detained or subjected to sham trials. Corruption is rampant. Civil conflict has worsened. The coup has caused immense suffering across Burma and undermined regional stability, while the leaders of the regime and their supporters seek to profit off the chaos they have created. And though millions across Burma are in desperate need of life-saving aid, the regime denies humanitarian access and attacks aid workers. We condemn these outrages and we are working closely with our partners and allies, including in ASEAN, to hold accountable all those responsible for the coup and attacks on civilians. The military regime must reverse course and release all those unjustly detained—including Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint, other democratically elected leaders, journalists, civil society leaders, activists, and foreign citizens. Humanitarian workers must be allowed unhindered access. And the regime should immediately engage in a meaningful dialogue with all parties to return Burma to its democratic path. As long as the regime continues to deny the people of Burma their democratic voice, we will continue to impose further costs on the military and its supporters. To the people of Burma: We have not forgotten your struggle. And we will continue to support your valiant determination to bring democracy and the rule of law to your country.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.） 2020年6 月 30日 “让我们永远不接受伊朗一贯的暴力行为，从而避免更严重的后果……让我们永远不屈服于勒索……让我们信守这个机构的使命，解决国际和平与安全面临的威胁……让我们延长对伊朗的武器禁运。“                                                                                                                                                                                          –国务卿蓬佩奥，2020年6月30日

For Immediate Release  FACT SHEET June 30, 2020 UN Report Exposes Iran’s Defiance of the United Nations   “Let’s never accept Iran’s usual violent behavior for fear of something far worse… Let’s never submit to extortion… Let’s uphold the mission of this body to address threats to international peace and security… Let’s continue the arms embargo on Iran.”                                                                                                                                                                                                                               -Secretary Pompeo, June 30, 2020

安东尼·J·布林肯国务卿的声明 对俄罗斯科技公司和网络行为者的进一步制裁 美国国务院 2022 年 3 月 31 日 鉴于普京总统发动的非法战争，美国将继续使俄罗斯联邦承受沉重的代价。今天，我们针对一些实体和个人采取措施，以关闭克里姆林宫的逃避制裁网络，这些网络在帮助俄罗斯联邦继续对乌克兰公民进行的不合情理的战争中发挥了重要作用。在此之前，我们曾在 3 月 15 日和 3 月 24 日宣布制裁一批个人和公司，这些个人和公司是俄罗斯国防工业基础的组成部分，直接为普京的战争机器提供支持。 今天，美国宣布制裁 21 个实体和 13 名个人。在这个名单中，有 10 人和 17 个实体参与了逃避制裁网络以获取西方技术。这一制裁措施将为俄罗斯获取西方技术和利用国际金融体系设置进一步障碍。我们将继续从各个角度制裁普京总统的战争机器，直到这场毫无理性的和不必要的战争结束。俄罗斯联邦不仅通过袭击继续侵犯乌克兰的主权，而且正在升级对乌克兰人口中心的破坏，包括学校、医院、住宅区和平民借以躲避俄罗斯轰炸的场所。 美国还宣布制裁三名参与恶意网络活动的人，其中一人上周被美国司法部起诉。美国将继续追究普京总统的网络行为者的责任，他们对美国及其盟国和合作伙伴的网络设施进行干扰破坏，并从事其他破坏网络稳定的活动。 除了今天宣布的制裁外，美国财政部也在扩大其对俄罗斯的制裁权限。财政部长与我协商后，根据第 14024 号行政命令第 1(a)(i) 节确定对俄罗斯联邦经济中的航空航天、海洋运输和电子行业进行制裁，并有权据此对被认定目前或曾经在这些领域经营的任何个人或实体实施制裁措施；这项决定亦使美国政府能够更迅速地施加制裁，使俄罗斯为其对乌克兰发动的这场不必要的战争承受更大的经济损失。 这些行动表明，我们决心就俄罗斯联邦侵略乌克兰追究其责任，并承诺对支持逃避美国及其盟国和合作伙伴实施的制裁措施的人采取进一步行动。我们将利用我们的所有授权来执行制裁，揭露和认定恶意行为者，并推动对普京总统发动的这场不必要的战争的问责。 欲详细了解今天宣布的措施，请参阅财政部 新闻稿（英文）。   欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/additional-sanctions-on-russias-technology-companies-and-cyber-actors/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE MARCH 31, 2022 The United States will continue to impose severe costs on the Russian Federation in response to President Putin’s illegal war.  Today, we are targeting entities and individuals in our efforts to shut down the Kremlin’s sanctions evasion networks, which play an important role in the Russian Federation’s ability to continue its unconscionable war on the citizens of Ukraine.  This follows our March 15 and March 24 designations of individuals and companies in Russia’s defense-industrial base that are directly supporting Putin’s war machine. Today, the United States is designating 21 entities and 13 individuals.  Of those being designated, 10 of those individuals and 17 entities are involved in sanctions evasion networks to procure of western technology.  These designations will further impede Russia’s access to western technology and the international financial system.  We will continue to target President Putin’s war machine with sanctions from every angle, until this senseless war of choice is over.  The Russian Federation not only continues to violate the sovereignty of Ukraine with its attacks, but it is escalating the devastation of population centers, including schools, hospitals, residential areas, and places where civilians are taking shelter from the Russian bombardment. The United States is also designating three individuals for their involvement in malicious cyber activities, one of whom the Department of Justice indicted  last week.  The United States will continue to hold President Putin’s cyber actors to account for disruptive, destructive, or otherwise destabilizing cyber activity targeting the United States and its allies and partners. In addition to the sanctions imposed today, the Department of the Treasury is also expanding its Russia sanctions authorities.  The Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with me, identified the aerospace, marine, and electronics sectors of the Russian Federation economy pursuant to section 1(a)(i) of Executive Order 14024.  This allows for sanctions to be imposed on any individual or entity determined to operate or have operated in any of those sectors and provides an expanded ability to swiftly impose additional economic costs on Russia for its war of choice in Ukraine. These actions demonstrate our resolve to hold the Russian Federation accountable for its aggression against Ukraine and commitment to take further actions against persons supporting evasion of the sanctions that the United States and our allies and partners have put in place.  We will use all authorities at our disposal to enforce sanctions, expose and identify malicious actors, and promote accountability for President Putin’s war of choice. For more information on today’s action, please see the Department of the Treasury’s press release .

Secretary Pompeo’s Meeting with Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau 以下来自于发言人摩根·奥特葛斯： 国务卿迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥今天在加拿大渥太华与加拿大总理贾斯汀·特鲁多举行了会晤。他们强调了我们两国之间强有力的双边关系和经济联系，包括美国-墨西哥-加拿大协议。蓬佩奥国务卿强调了美国对北约的坚定承诺以及盟友们履行其国防投入承诺的重要性。他们还讨论了委内瑞拉正在发生的人道主义危机，国务卿表示赞赏加拿大一贯支持维持对马杜罗政权施压的国际努力。国务卿重申了他继续关切加拿大公民康明凯和迈克尔·斯帕沃尔在中国被持续拘押。

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Morgan Ortagus:‎ Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo met with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau today in Ottawa, Canada. They emphasized the strong bilateral relationship and economic ties between our two countries, including the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement. Secretary Pompeo stressed the United States’ unwavering commitment to NATO and the importance of allies meeting their defense investment commitments. They also discussed the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, and the Secretary expressed appreciation for Canada’s consistent support to international efforts to maintain pressure on the Maduro regime. The Secretary reiterated his continued concern about the ongoing detention of Canadian citizens Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor in China.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 即时发布 2022年6月21日 国务卿安东尼·布林肯声明 从今日起，美国海关和边境保护局将开始实施《防止强迫维吾尔人劳动法》（Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act）条例，禁止新疆强劳产品进入美国。这项由拜登总统于2021年12月23日签署生效的在美国国会压倒性跨党派支持下通过的法律，凸显了我们对在所有地方打击强迫劳动的决心，包括在新疆——那里正在发生种族灭绝和反人类罪。 国务院致力于与国会和跨部门的合作伙伴共同努力，继续反对新疆的强迫劳动，并为打击这种严重践踏人权的做法加强国际协调。解决在中华人民共和国和世界各地的强迫劳动和其他践踏人权问题是拜登总统和本届政府的一个首要事项。我们已为促进在新疆追究责任采取具体措施，包括签证限制，基于《全球马格尼茨基法》（Global Magnitsky）的金融制裁，出口管制，实施暂扣令（Withhold Release Orders）和进口限制，以及发布针对新疆的多机构商业咨询公告，以帮助美国公司避免从事有助强迫劳动等践踏人权做法的商务或从这种商务中获益。我们将与跨部门伙伴一道继续同公司保持接触，提醒他们注意美国的法律责任，即禁止向美国进口强迫劳动产品。 我们正在号召盟国和伙伴一起做到在全球供应链中不使用强迫劳动，针对新疆发生的暴行大声疾呼，并且与我们共同要求中华人民共和国政府立即停止暴行和包括强迫劳动在内的践踏人权行为。 有关实施这一法律的更多信息请见：https://www.dhs.gov/uflpa.   欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/implementation-of-the-uyghur-forced-labor-prevention-act/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

PRESS STATEMENT ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE JUNE 21, 2022 Starting today, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) will begin to implement the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act’s provisions to prohibit imports made by forced labor into the United States of products made in Xinjiang.  President Biden signed the Act into law on December 23, 2021, after it passed with overwhelming bipartisan support in the United States Congress, underscoring our commitment to combating forced labor everywhere, including in Xinjiang, where genocide and crimes against humanity are ongoing. The State Department is committed to working with Congress and our interagency partners to continue combating forced labor in Xinjiang and strengthen international coordination against this egregious violation of human rights.  Addressing forced labor and other human rights abuses in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and around the world is a priority for President Biden and this Administration.  We have taken concrete measures to promote accountability in Xinjiang, including visa restrictions, financial sanctions under Global Magnitsky, export controls, Withhold Release Orders and import restrictions, as well as the release of a multi-agency business advisory on Xinjiang to help U.S. companies avoid commerce that facilitates or benefits from human rights abuses, including forced labor.  Together with our interagency partners, we will continue to engage companies to remind them of U.S. legal obligations which prohibit importing goods to the United States that are made with forced labor. We are rallying our allies and partners to make global supply chains free from the use of forced labor, to speak out against atrocities in Xinjiang, and to join us in calling on the government of the PRC to immediately end atrocities and human rights abuses, including forced labor. For more information on implementation of the Act, see: https://www.dhs.gov/uflpa.

2013年12月4日，中国国家主席习近平（右）与时任美国副总统乔·拜登（左）在中国北京人民大会堂合影时握手。（美联社照片/Lintao Zhang, Pool） 美中关系是当今世界最重要的关系。 它是一个充满活力和持续发展的关系，在相互信任和尊重，贸易增长和人民间交流的基础上所建立。

The U.S.-China relationship is the most consequential in the world today.  It is a dynamic and growing relationship built upon a foundation of mutual trust and respect, growing trade and people to people exchange.

[摘译] 美国对华政策：常务副国务卿比根在参议院外交关系委员会的讲话 2020年7月22日 东部夏令时间下午3:08 常务副国务卿斯蒂芬·比根 参议院外交关系委员会 讲话稿 **** 我们一开始可以讨论的议题包括关于核能力和核原则的战略稳定；协调努力以确定COVID-19的起源和传播；确保韩朝半岛和平与稳定的朝鲜去核化；阿富汗的和平建设；国际麻醉品生产和贩运；以及平衡、对等的经济政策，正如今年早些时候达成的第一阶段贸易协议所证明的那样。美国欢迎人民间的交流，包括接受彼此国家的留学生，但前提是目的仅仅是学习。 **** 美国支持那些寻求和平、繁荣和自由地生活的中国人民的愿望……许多中国人民寻求促进人权和普世自由的勇气激励着我们所有人的工作。 **** 我们和我们的朋友和盟友一道支持普世权利和基于规则的国际体系，这些权利和体系为世界数代人的集体和平、安全和繁荣提供了保障，有利于美国、中华人民共和国和整个世界. **** 阅读更多： https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/deputy-secretary-bieguns-remarks-to-the-senate-foreign-relations-committee/

U.S. Policy Toward China: Deputy Secretary Biegun’s Remarks to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 07/22/2020 03:08 PM EDT Stephen Biegun, Deputy Secretary of State Senate Foreign Relations Committee As Prepared Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Menendez, Members of the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today. This is an important moment in the U.S.-China relationship, and the Secretary and I appreciate the serious focus that your Committee is taking to shape a bipartisan approach to this vital policy matter. We recognize that to be successful, U.S. policy towards the PRC must be grounded in consensus across our governing institutions and society. Mr. Chairman, for this reason, we welcome the legislation you introduced today — designed to frame the U.S. strategic approach to the PRC. This, along with other recent legislation passed by Congress, is crucial to address the challenges we face. Across multiple administrations the United States has supported China’s entry into the rules-based international order in hopes that China would be a partner in upholding international law, norms, and institutions and that the United States and China could develop a friendly relationship with reciprocal benefit. Over more than three decades, U.S. policies towards the PRC have advanced that goal through a massive outpouring of international assistance and lending, foreign investment, facilitation of Chinese membership in global institutions, and the education of millions of China’s brightest scholars at our best schools. Where this Administration diverges from previous Administrations is in the will to face the uncomfortable truth in the U.S.-China relationship that the policies of the past three decades have simply not produced the outcome for which so many had hoped, and that the United States must and take decisive action to counter the PRC. As stated in the 2017 National Security Strategy, despite the huge dividends to the PRC in terms of prosperity, trade, and global influence that United States support and engagement has delivered, Beijing has instead chosen to take increasingly hardline and aggressive actions, both at home and abroad; and China has emerged as a strategic competitor to the United States, and to the rules-based global order. We find the U.S.-China relationship today weighed down by a growing number of disputes, including commercial espionage and intellectual property theft from American companies; unequal treatment of our diplomats, businesses, NGOs, and journalists by Chinese authorities; and abuse of the United States’ academic freedom and welcoming posture toward international students to steal sensitive technology and research from our universities in order to advance the PRC’s military. It is these factors which led the President to direct a number of actions in response, including yesterday’s notification to the PRC that we have withdrawn our consent for the PRC to operate its consulate in Houston, Texas. There is also growing alarm around the world about the dismantling of Hong Kong’s autonomy, liberty, and democratic institutions; the arbitrary mass detentions and other human rights abuses in Xinjiang; efforts to eliminate Tibetan identity; military pressure against Taiwan; and the assertion of unfounded maritime claims in the South China Sea. Other areas of concern include China’s increasingly assertive use against partners and allies of military and economic coercion and state-sponsored disinformation campaigns, including, among others, India, Australia, Canada, the UK, ASEAN Members, the European Union, and several other European countries. At the Department of State, both Secretary Pompeo and I are involved day-to-day in the full range of policy matters related to the PRC, an issue that touches upon every dimension of the Department of State’s work. The Department has launched a number of diplomatic and economic initiatives described in my written testimony to uphold and defend our interests and those of our friends and allies in areas such as global infrastructure development, market access, and telecommunications security. Much of what we are doing would serve our global interests under any circumstances, but the unfortunate trends we see in China make our actions all the more urgent. We have organized internally through the leadership of the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific, along with the Directors of Policy Planning and our Global Engagement Center, to align internal policy making in virtually every single bureau and office in the Department. We are likewise organizing our diplomats to focus on competition with China around the world. As part of a comprehensive approach, we are engaged with allies and partners in the G7, the G20, and NATO to highlight the threat that the PRC poses not just to U.S. interests but also to the interests of our allies and partners. We are broadening partnerships across the Transatlantic, the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, Africa, and the Western Hemisphere. Across the Indo-Pacific region, the United States is deepening relationships with the countries that share our values and interest in a free and open Indo-Pacific. Last September, we held the first ministerial-level meeting of the United States, Australia, India, and Japan, marking a new milestone in our diplomatic engagement in the region. We are enhancing our alliances with Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand, which have helped sustain peace and security for generations, and we are furthering our engagement with ASEAN, an organization central to a free and open Indo-Pacific. Our security assistance to South China Sea claimant states and our recent rejection of the PRC’s maritime claims helps partners protect their autonomy and maritime resources. We are working with the Mekong countries to ensure sustainable development and energy security, and we have doubled development assistance to our Pacific Island partners through the Pacific Pledge. On the other side of the world, China has increasingly become a topic in transatlantic and FVEY discussions. The Secretary recently announced the United States accepted the EU’s proposal to create an U.S.-EU Dialogue on China to discuss the transatlantic community’s common concerns about the threat the PRC poses to our shared democratic values. Similarly, the PRC is a core component of our security dialogues with the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada. In our own Hemisphere, the United States is working with its neighbors to reaffirm the region’s longstanding dedication to free societies and free markets. We are working on improving the investment climate for all types of infrastructure including energy, airports, ports, roads, telecom, and digital networks. In addition to USAID development and humanitarian assistance, we expect the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation to deploy $12 billion in the Western Hemisphere toward this effort and we have made a priority promoting transparency and privacy in the digital economy. Though the PRC has made extensive inroads across Africa over the past decade,encouragingly, some African governments have begun to monitor Chinese projects, require Chinese firms to hire more African laborers,and demand protection of Africa’s fragile ecosystems.Our diplomatic engagement on the continent will continue to highlight the pitfalls of opaque and unsustainable PRC lending. In the Middle East we have successfully engaged partners to recognize the costs that come with certain commercial engagements with the PRC – especially telecommunications infrastructure. And finally, we are working with allies and partners to prevent the PRC from undermining international organizations through unchecked influence. Mr. Chairman, consistent with the priorities in your legislation, I should underscore that engagement between the United States and China remains of central importance in managing tensions and exploring areas of mutual interest where efforts might align. But we will only make a difference if our engagement produces real progress on the many issues that I have enumerated today. Last month, I joined Secretary Pompeo in Hawaii to meet with our Chinese counterparts. In the two-day discussion the Secretary stressed that deeds, not words, were the pathway to achieve mutual respect and reciprocity between our two countries across commercial, security, diplomatic,and people-to-people interactions. He made clear our determination to push back against Beijing’s efforts to undermine democratic norms, challenge the sovereignty of our friends and allies, and engage in unfair trade practices, but at the same time, he also outlined areas where the United States and the PRC could cooperate to solve global challenges. Among the issues that we could start with are strategic stability around nuclear capabilities and doctrine; coordinated efforts to identify the origins and spread of COVID-19; a denuclearized North Korea that ensures peace and stability on the Peninsula; peace building in Afghanistan; international narcotics production and trafficking; and, as evidenced by the Phase 1 trade deal agreed earlier this year, balanced and reciprocal economic policies. The United States welcomes people-to-people exchanges, including hosting of each other’s students, provided that they are exclusively for purposes of study. We would also welcome members of Congress from both sides of the Capitol to not only work in partnership with the Executive Branch but to also extend your own engagement to better understand the aspirations of the Chinese people. Of course this includes meeting with your Chinese government counterparts, but it must also include reaching out to the many voices of China that are found outside China; those not free to be heard at home and therefore requiring our assistance to be heard. Let me be clear: the United States supports the aspirations of those Chinese people who seek to live in peace, prosperity and freedom. Secretary Pompeo has met with pro-democracy leaders from Hong Kong, Chinese dissidents and survivors of repression in Xinjiang, and last month I was honored to present the International Women of Courage Award to the Mothers of Tiananmen. The bravery of the many Chinese people who seek to advance human rights and universal freedoms inspires all of us in our work. Mr. Chairman, we are urgently taking the necessary steps to defend the United States. As we seek to correct the imbalance in our relations with China we must address today’s realities while at the same time leaving open tomorrow’s possibilities. With our friends and allies we are standing up for universal rights and the rules-based international system that have provided for the world’s collective peace, security, and prosperity for generations to the benefit of the United States, the Peoples Republic of China, and entire world.

发言人办公室 2021年9月28日   “我们重新开展与欧盟的接触，一个处理今日世界所面临的一系列重大问题的根本伙伴。” – 约瑟夫·R·拜登总统，2021年9月21日   国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯（Antony J. Blinken）于9月29日至30日前往宾夕法尼亚州的匹兹堡，与商务部长吉娜·雷曼多（Gina Raimondo）、美国贸易代表戴琪（Katherine Tai）、欧盟委员会执行副主席玛格丽特·维斯塔格（Margrethe Vestager）和瓦尔季斯·东布罗夫斯基斯（Valdis Dombrovskis）共同主持美国-欧盟贸易和科技委员会（TTC）首次会议。他们将探讨机制来扩大、深化跨大西洋的贸易和投资。他们也将讨论方法来更新二十一世纪的经济规则，以确保贸易和科技政策支持两方经济基础广泛的增长，且与我们共同的民主价值观保持一致。 美国和欧盟是紧密的伙伴和盟友 美国–欧盟贸易和科技委员会将根据共同的美国–欧盟民主价值观来促进贸易和科技政策

FACT SHEET OFFICE OF THE SPOKESPERSON SEPTEMBER 28, 2021 “We renewed our engagement with the European Union, a fundamental partner in tackling the full range of significant issues facing our world today.” – President Joseph R. Biden, September 21, 2021 Secretary Antony J. Blinken is travelling to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, September 29-30, where he will co-chair the inaugural meeting of the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council (TTC) with Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo, United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai, and European Commission Executive Vice Presidents Margrethe Vestager and Valdis Dombrovskis.  They will explore mechanisms to expand and deepen transatlantic trade and investment.  They will also discuss ways to update the rules for the 21st century economy to ensure trade and technology policies support broad-based growth in both economies and are consistent with our shared democratic values. The United States and the European Union (EU) are Close Partners and Allies The TTC Will Promote Trade and Technology Policies Based on Shared U.S.-EU Democratic Values

在开诚布公和具有建设性的谈判和重要的下一步的讨论中，双方持续取得进展。 白宫新闻秘书办公室 供立即发布 2019年3月29日 美国关于中国会谈的声明 根据唐纳德•J•特朗普总统的指示，来自美国的官员到北京参加美中贸易关系的谈判。美国代表团由美国贸易代表罗伯特•E•莱特海泽大使和财政部长斯蒂芬•T•马努钦率领。刘鹤副总理带领中方会谈。 在开诚布公和具有建设性的谈判和重要的下一步的讨论中，双方持续取得进展。 美国期待计划在下周于华盛顿与刘鹤副总理和中方代表团举行的会议。

Office of the Press Secretary FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE March 29, 2019 Statement of the United States Regarding China Talks At President Donald J. Trump’s direction, officials from the United States traveled to Beijing for negotiations on the trade relationship between the United States and China. The United States delegation was led by United States Trade Representative Robert E. Lighthizer and Secretary of the Treasury Steven T. Mnuchin. Vice Premier Liu He led the talks for the Chinese side. The two parties continued to make progress during candid and constructive discussions on the negotiations and important next steps. The United States looks forward to the meetings planned with Vice Premier Liu He and the Chinese delegation in Washington next week.

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2021年10月6日 ………… 布林肯国务卿：非常感谢你，秘书长。本周同您、整个团队以及这里的所有代表团在一起真是太好了。请允许我首先说一下回到法国、来到巴黎总是如此美好。而且我特别感谢我们在最近两天同最亲密的伙伴、最悠久的盟友法国进行的非常有建设性的讨论，以及我们为进一步深化这一关系而正在进行的工作。 但我的确想向您，马蒂亚斯（Mathias），以及经合组织的所有人为这样一个成功的部长级会议表示感谢和祝贺。而且特别好的是，能在同一个地方同大多数同仁面对面地或有时仍要带着口罩见面。率领美国代表团也是我的荣幸。代表团包括政府各部门的高级官员，其中有我们的气候问题特使、美国贸易代表、经济顾问委员会（Council of Economic Advisers）主席，以及主管经济增长、能源和环境的副国务卿。我们都来到巴黎，因为经合组织是一个代表我们的经济体并代表我们的人民完成重要工作的一个非常宝贵的论坛。 过去60年来一直如此，而我认为通过我们在过去两天完成的工作所证实的，可以说现在以及今后更是如此。自60年前创立以来，经合组织已经发展成一个前瞻性机构，全世界主要的以市场为导向的经济体汇集在这里，确定迫切的全球性挑战、分享最佳实践、驱动研究、为决策提供信息，并重新致力于作为我们所进行的每一项努力的根基的共同价值观。今年，我们通过专注于一个绿色、包容的未来的主题来延续这种传统。 而且这实际上将我们各国今天所面临的最重大的挑战中的三个联系起来：加强我们应对气候危机的努力，以一种可持续的方式打造全球经济，以及解决阻碍我们的民主和我们的经济的根深蒂固的不平等现象。过去两天来，经合组织成员国分享了策略，以便为一个绿色未来投资，并向到2050年实现净零经济迈进。我们一致认为，气候危机必须而且将继续是经合组织的首要议程。经合组织所提供的合作以及数据驱动的政策分析在我们寻求修复COVID-19疫情造成的损害并更好地重建的过程中也是至关重要的。 我们还侧重于全球企业最低税率，这也是包括美国在内的很多经合组织成员国所支持的。这将帮助我们避免一场自我伤害的逐底竞争，在这场竞争中，各国竞相降低企业税率，结果却看到其他国家把税率降得更低。这场竞争已经持续了数十年，而且没有一个国家是赢家。共同的税收方法将为员工和企业创造公平的竞争环境，在各国国内及各国之间增进平等，而且它将奠定一个坚实的基础，让世界各国能为对于公民的生活至关重要的事项提供资金和融资。我们现在有将近140个国家，总计占全球GDP的90%以上，都已赞同这项努力。因此，现在是抓住时机完成工作的时候了。 我们调整好这些需要，在全球引发为高质量基础设施项目争上游的竞赛，以支持更多具有气候抵御能力、环境可持续性、没有贪腐和真正让所在社区受益的项目。我们太常见到的是，基础设施项目没有这样做，尤其是在发展中经济体。它们使用进口劳工，压垮地方社区，使所在国负债累累。而通过像蓝点网络（Blue Dot Network）这样的项目——它是一项美国、日本和澳大利亚的倡议，并且与经合组织和重建更好世界（Build Back Better World）计划合作——我们将倡导一种不同的方式。 在关于未来经济的一个重要问题上，我们有着一个共同信念，即经合组织应该是一个制定道路规则的重要国际论坛，道路规则将指引新兴技术的使用——如人工智能，网络安全——并帮助加强对我们所有国家都至关重要的供应链安全。 我们还讨论了有关如何填平性别数字鸿沟的战略，从而能让妇女和女孩子充分参与数字经济。如果妇女和女孩子不被完全包括进来，我们根本无法实现强大、公平、有韧性的全球经济。这一点对男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者和间性者（LGBTI）、少数种族和少数民族，以及被排除在充分参与全球经济之外的任何人也是一样。经合组织正在上述所有方面进行着极其重要的工作。 我们经合组织的成员团结在一个承诺上，如我所说，这个承诺就是让我们60年来的一切进步成为可能的共同价值观：民主；法治；人权，包括性别平等；开放、共融，以及透明的市场经济。这是使经合组织与众不同的地方，今天，在这些原则受到专制政府的挑战并声称他们的模式在更好满足人民基本需要的时候，这点格外重要。现在比任何时候都更要我们必须证明，我们的方式能够给我们的人民和全世界的人民带来更好的生活。 因此，我们刚刚通过了《经合组织60周年愿景声明》（OECD 60th Anniversary Vision Statement）。它再次明确我们对那些理想的承诺，并且很重要的是，对将它们付诸实践的承诺，因为最终那才是实质所在。它纳入了使我们走到一起的理想并将它们付诸实施。我相信，它们将继续是我们今后60年和更长远未来的指南。 那么，马蒂亚斯，谢谢你。很荣幸与你一起在这里。我尤其感谢你的领导作用，不仅是在过去这几天里，而且是自从你上任肩负起非常、非常重要的前进议事日程之时起。感谢经合组织所有成员国促成这个如此有成果，而且我相信，有原则性的部长级会议。非常感谢。 欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-and-oecd-secretary-general-mathias-cormann-at-a-joint-press-availability/ 本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT PARIS, FRANCE OCTOBER 6, 2021 MODERATOR:  Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen – those in the room, those watching online – to this final press conference for the OECD’s Ministerial Council Meeting.  We’ll have a – we’ll hear a few remarks from the Secretary-General, followed by remarks from the Secretary of State, who chaired the meeting.  And then we will take some questions and answers.  I now hand the floor over to the Secretary-General Mathias Cormann. SECRETARY-GENERAL CORMANN:  Thank you very much and welcome everyone.  Good evening.  Thank you to the U.S. Secretary of State, Tony Blinken, for chairing this Ministerial Council Meeting.  This has been an extremely successful MCM.  The United States leadership of this MCM has been absolutely central to its success.  Thank you also to the vice chairs, Korea and Luxembourg, particularly to Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong and Finance Minister Pierre Gramegna. About 70 ministers and 180 delegates joined our discussions, either in person – most of them in person here at the OECD – or some in virtual format. (Via interpreter) Your commitment for democracy, the rule of law, gender equality, and market economy principle, and international order founded on rules and international cooperation, and equal opportunity for all to fulfill their potential – these are the values which gather us today.  In all of the OECD, the economic outlook have improved. (In English) In our recent, interim economic outlook, we project global growth of 5.7 percent this year and 4.5 percent in 2022.  However, the recovery remains uneven, exposing both advanced and emerging markets to risks.  Slow vaccination progress in some emerging markets and especially in low-income countries are a global concern.  Renewed outbreaks of the virus, especially in countries with relatively low vaccination rates, are forcing developing countries to restrict activities, resorting in bottlenecks and adding to shortages in supply chains. So over the past two days, the recovery and optimizing the strength and equality of the recovery from COVID-19 has been front and center in all of our discussions.  Ending the health, economic, and social crisis caused by the pandemic and optimizing the strength and the quality of that recovery is our shared key priority.  There’s strong agreement on the need to accelerate vaccine deployment across the world, including by supporting the ACT Accelerator and its COVAX facility. Beyond the pandemic, we also had rich exchanges on key global challenges: driving and supporting global leadership on more ambitious, effective, and globally coordinated action on climate change; seizing the opportunities of the accelerating digital transformation by better managing some of the associated and growing risks, challenges, and disruptions; finalizing a multilaterally agreed approach to international taxation.  And we’re really at the pointy end of that process now, we hope, making international tax arrangements fairer and work better in the context of digitalization and globalization.  And we focused on advancing gender equality and on advancing equality of opportunity more generally on the foundation of strong, cleaner, fairer economic growth.  And as market-based democratic nations, we committed to actively supporting the crucial work of the WTO to help ensure we can have a well-functioning, open, global market underpinned by rules-based multilateral trading system in good working order. Ministers affirmed two unique tools to help optimize the strength and equality of the post-COVID recovery: the COVID-19 recovery indicator dashboard, which provides a succinct but comprehensive set of outcome indicators that can help countries measure whether the recovery is indeed strong, inclusive, green, and resilient.  Ministers also operationalized a new OECD International Programme for Action on Climate, which offers a new steering and monitoring instrument to pursue the transition to net zero emissions by 2050.  The IPAC preliminary dashboard, composed of key climate indicators, provides an overview of country progress towards net zero emissions. A series of other important decisions were made, which are all reflected in the statement. Finally, at this MCM, we have also revitalized the organization’s commitment to effective multilateralism.  And the positive and active engagement of the United States in effective multilateralism is so important, and it’s been so good to have the U.S. provide leadership to this Ministerial Council Meeting in the leadup to this event, but in particular over these last few days. We have taken an important step forward to strengthen our global reach, relevance, and impact through the new OECD global relations strategy.  The strategy, which will ensure our engagement with nonmember countries, is aligned with members’ interests, shapes our contributions to global fora, including the G20, the G7, and APEC. In relation to the six current accession applications in front of us, I particularly thank Secretary Blinken for his statement at this MCM yesterday that the U.S. is committed to see the OECD continue to grow stronger and indicating the readiness of the U.S. to work with all our members to build consensus on the way forward so that applicant countries that share our values and meet the OECD’s high standards can pursue a path to membership.  As secretary-general, I will now seek to facilitate that consultation over coming weeks. (Via interpreter) We are looking forward to the coming intense multilateral agenda of the coming months in order to ensure the success of COP26, of the G20 summit, and of the ministerial conference of the WTO.  When I joined the OECD four months ago, I described this place as a place where we can identify global collective solutions that we can implement at the national level.  This is a place of political innovation, a dynamic forum to facilitate knowledge sharing and inspire collaboration and action.  During this MCM, the members have fulfilled this potential, and I have the honor of heading the secretariat by supporting its work today and in the coming years. Thank you, and I will now turn to Secretary of State Mr. Antony Blinken. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you so much, Secretary-General.  It’s been really wonderful to be with you and the entire team and all the delegations here this week.  Let me just start by saying how terrific it always is to be back in France, to be in Paris.  And I’m particularly grateful for the very constructive discussions that we had over the last couple of days as well with the closest of partners, the oldest of allies, France, and the work we’re doing to deepen even more the relationship. But I really want to convey to you, Mathias, and to everyone at the OECD both thanks and congratulations for such a successful ministerial meeting.  And it was particularly good to just be in the same room with most of our colleagues and to see each other face to face or still occasionally mask to mask.  It’s also been an honor to lead the U.S. delegation.  It included senior officials from across the administration, including our Special Envoy for Climate, the U.S. Trade Representative, the Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, the Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment.  We all came to Paris because the OECD is such a valuable forum for getting important work done on behalf of our economies and on behalf of our people. That’s been the case for the past 60 years, but I think as evidenced by what we have done over the last couple of days, that’s arguably even more the case now and going forward.  Since its founding 60 years ago, the OECD has evolved into a forward-looking institution where the world’s leading market-oriented democracies come together to identify urgent global challenges, to share best practices, to drive research, to inform policies, and to recommit to shared values, which are the foundation of everything that we’re doing.  This year, we continued that tradition by focusing on the theme of a green and inclusive future. And that actually ties together three of the most critical challenges that our countries face today: stepping up our response to the climate crisis, shaping the global economy in a sustainable way, and addressing deep-rooted inequities that hold our democracies and our economies back.  Over the past two days, OECD member states shared strategies for investing in a green future and moving toward a net zero economy by 2050.  We agreed that the climate crisis must and will remain at the top of the OECD agenda.  The cooperation and the data-driven policy analysis that the OECD provides is also vital as we seek to repair the damage of the COVID-19 pandemic and build back better from it. We focused as well on global corporate minimum tax rate, which many OECD member states, including the United States, support.  It would help us avoid a self-defeating race to the bottom in which our countries lower our corporate tax rates only for others to lower theirs in response.  This is a race that has gone on for decades, and no country has won it.  A shared approach on taxation will level the playing field for workers and businesses, foster greater equity within and among our nations, and it will create a strong foundation for countries around the world to fund and finance things that are vital to the lives of their citizens.  We have now nearly 140 countries, representing more than 90 percent of global GDP, that have already agreed to this effort.  So it is time to seize the moment and get it done. We aligned on the need to spark a race to the top for quality infrastructure projects around the world to support more projects that are climate resilient, environmentally sustainable, free from corruption, and truly benefit the communities where they’re built.  Too often, what we’ve seen is infrastructure projects, especially in developing economies, that simply aren’t done that way.  They’re built with imported labor, they steamroll local communities, they leave countries in debt.  Through projects like the Blue Dot Network – which is an initiative of the United States, Japan, and Australia, in collaboration with the OECD and Build Back Better World – we will champion a different approach. On a central issue of the future economy, we share a belief that the OECD should be a key international forum to develop the rules of the road that will guide the use of emerging technologies – like AI, cybersecurity – and help strengthen the supply chain security that is so vital to all of our countries. We also discussed strategies for how to bridge the gender digital divide to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in the digital economy.  We simply will not achieve a strong, equitable, resilient global economy if women and girls aren’t fully included.  The same is true for LGBTI persons, for racial and ethnic minorities, anyone else excluded from full participation in the global economy.  And the OECD is doing vital work across all of those areas. We in the OECD are united by a commitment to, as I said, the shared values that have made possible all of our progress over the last 60 years: democracy; the rule of law; human rights, including gender equality; and open, inclusive, and transparent market economies.  That’s what sets the OECD apart, and it’s especially important today at a time when these principles are challenged by authoritarian governments that argue that their model is better at meeting people’s basic needs.  Now more than ever, we must prove that our approach can make life better for our people and for people all over the world. So we just approved the OECD 60th Anniversary Vision Statement.  It reaffirms our commitment to those ideals, and critically, to seeing them put into practice, because ultimately that’s what this is all about.  It’s taking the ideals that bring us together and putting them into practice.  I’m confident that they will continue to guide us for the next 60 years and beyond. So Mathias, again, thank you.  It’s been great to be here with you.  But I’m especially grateful for your leadership, not just these past few days but ever since you’ve been on the job with a very, very important agenda going forward.  And thanks to all the member states of the OECD for such a productive and, I believe, principled ministerial conference.  Thanks very much. MODERATOR:  We’ll take a first question from AFP (Inaudible) QUESTION:  Hello, Mr. Secretary.  You met with Mr. Macron, Mr. Le Drian since you came here.  On European defense and the situation in Sahel, how – to what extent is the U.S. ready to support France and the EU?  And should we expect announcements by the end of the month?  Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you very much.  Following the conversation between President Biden and President Macron a few weeks ago, we were directed to take what is one of the most important relationships in the world and make it even better, make it even stronger, deepen our consultations, deepen our cooperation, deepen our coordination.  And that’s exactly what we’re doing.  There’s a lot of work that goes into this, and we’ve had teams meet in a variety of ways in the last – in the last days and indeed in the last weeks.  That’s going to continue. And as you noted, there are a number of areas where the two presidents agreed we should focus our efforts.  One is on the work that we’re already doing in the Sahel and to look for ways, practical ways to deepen that cooperation.  Another is in Euro-Atlantic security, again, working as we have for so many years now, not only within NATO as allies but also looking at ways to enhance and increase European capacity, something that the United States supports, and as well in the Indo-Pacific, where the EU has put out an important strategy.  France played a critical role in developing that strategy. We’re about to do the same in the coming months and we’re in intensive consultations to make sure that our strategies are linked up and joined together, because it is vitally important to the United States that Europe in general, France in particular, be a strong and engaged partner in the Indo-Pacific. So we had very good conversations this week in all three of those areas, as well as many others where France and the United States work very closely together.  This is ongoing work.  It will be continued in the days ahead, including by the National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, who will be here in a couple of days.  And then we fully expect that President Macron and President Biden will be speaking in the weeks ahead and also meeting to continue this work. MODERATOR:  Next question is from Kylie Atwood of CNN. QUESTION:  Good afternoon.  Secretary Blinken, two questions for you.  First, do you believe that after this visit France and their trust in the United States has been restored?  And given the strategic security dialogue with Mexico on Friday, I wanted to ask how you would assess the U.S.-Mexico relationship right now.  And in the meetings on Friday, will you raise one issue – that is, the Mexican Government recently failing to approve visas for DEA agents who have been assigned to Mexico over the last year?  Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Great.  Thanks, Kylie.  Let me start with the second question first.  So we are indeed heading to Mexico in a couple of days.  We will be convening for the first time this High-Level Security Dialogue and talking about a broad range of common security issues and challenges, and that follows on the economic dialogue that brought us together just a few weeks ago in Washington. I’ve got to say, if the security dialogue matches in quality what we experienced with the economic dialogue, that would be – and I fully expect it will – very, very positive and also productive, because I have to say we had one of the best exchanges I remember in – at least in my experience with our Mexican colleagues just a couple of weeks ago.  And I think that’s very much the spirit in which we’re approaching the security dialogue in a couple of days. We have the Attorney General taking part.  We have the Secretary for Homeland Security taking part of this.  We will be spending time with President Lopez Obrador as well as with our counterparts and we’ve got a very broad-ranging agenda, and I think it’s evidence of the fact that the relationship, while some issues like migration understandably get a lot of headlines, is incredibly broad and deep-rooted, and so I think we’ll be covering a lot of ground.  I don’t want to spoil the fun, so we’ll have an opportunity to talk in more detail about that going forward. QUESTION:  Any details on — SECRETARY BLINKEN:  We’ll have a chance to talk more about Mexico in Mexico.  So come on down. And then with regard to France, as I said, look, you have to obviously ask our friends here for their views.  From my perspective, the conversations we’ve had just in the last 24 hours were very positive, very productive, and reflect a lot of important work that’s in progress, work that was tasked by President Biden and President Macron to, as I say, deepen consultations, deepen cooperation, deepen coordination across a range of issues that make a real difference for citizens of France and citizens of the United States. We’re looking at very practical cooperation in a number of areas.  I talked about it a moment ago with our colleague, including in the Sahel, including with regard to Euro-Atlantic security, and including in the Indo-Pacific.  And I think it’s evidence of the seriousness of purpose that we have that we’ve had our teams meeting very consistently and regularly on this.  My visit is followed by, as I said, Jake Sullivan, the National Security Advisor, coming to continue to work on this.  And what we’re doing, I think, is ultimately teeing up some very practical additional initiatives that the presidents will have an opportunity to discuss in the coming weeks. MODERATOR:  Next question from Will Horobin of Bloomberg. QUESTION:  Hello.  A question about international tax negotiations.  There are two days to go until the Inclusive Framework meeting.  Are you confident of a deal on Friday that will include all G20 members?  And will the U.S. be able to implement such a deal if it requires changes to tax treaties? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Mathias, do you want to have a start at that? SECRETARY-GENERAL CORMANN:  Well, the G20 finance ministers’ meeting in Venice in July reached a historic agreement on an international tax deal that is designed to make international tax arrangements fairer and work better.  There was more detail to be worked through and those discussions are continuing.  As I stand here before you, I’m quietly optimistic that in time for the G20 Leaders’ Summit towards – at the end of October that we’ll be in a position to finalize an agreement.  There is more work on the way and we will continue to engage in those conversations in the same positive and constructive and solutions-focused spirit that has characterized this process so far.  We are very, very close.  We obviously believe that it is very much in the world’s interest to finalize a deal.  The combined effects of globalization and digitalization have created distortions and inequities that need to be addressed, and Secretary Blinken went through some of those in his opening remarks.  And a lot of work has been done.  We’re very close.  Conversations are continuing.  As I stand here today, I’m quietly optimistic that in time for the G20 Leaders’ Summit we will be able to finalize an agreement. Of course, the Inclusive Framework meeting on Friday is a key meeting and we’ll give it our best and we’ll see how we go. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  And I would simply say that I share the quiet optimism.  This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity.  It’s a once-in-a-generation opportunity to make the international tax system fairer.  It’s a once-in-a-generation opportunity to help countries raise the revenue necessary to actually do things important to bettering the lives of their citizens and to building back better from COVID.  And my sense of the conversations in the last couple of days is that a broad array of countries share that view, share that perspective.  We still have some work to do but, as the Secretary-General said, I think we’ve made good progress in the last couple of days and we want to bring this over the finish line. MODERATOR:  Great.  The final question is Simon Lewis from Reuters. QUESTION:  Hi, thank you.  Mr. Secretary, while you’ve been here there was a readout from the Russian Foreign Ministry about a call you had with Foreign Minister Lavrov, so I wonder if you could tell us a little bit about what it is you’re discussing with the Foreign Minister on the Iran deal, and what are you hoping Russia can do to bring Iran back into that deal?  And also, on that call did you discuss the eight Russians who were expelled from NATO, which is a story that just broke today? And just another, separate issue:  There’s been a significant increase in Chinese activity near Taiwan, and does that give you – does that give the U.S. cause to change its calculus in any way and does that contradict the agreement that – with China that the President talked about yesterday, which seemed to be a reference to the understanding between the U.S. and China that Taiwan issues should be resolved by peaceful means?  Is that something that the U.S. side is going to bring up during the talks in Zurich? Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you very much.  With regard to the call with Foreign Minister Lavrov, yes, we focused on the JCPOA, and the United States and Russia I think share an interest in seeing a mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA.  Russia has been an important participant in this effort, and we talked about where things stand.  We talked about the commitment of the United States to return to compliance, but the necessity of Iran being willing to do the same thing.  And I noted again to Foreign Minister Lavrov that the runway is getting shorter and shorter on that prospect and on that interest that we share because, as I’ve said before and as we’ve talked about before, given what Iran is doing with its nuclear program that is inconsistent with the obligations under the JCPOA and the constraints imposed by the JCPOA against spinning more sophisticated centrifuges, enriching uranium to 20 percent and even 60 percent, we are getting closer and closer to a point where simply returning to compliance with the JCPOA won’t recapture the benefits of the agreement.  So we had an opportunity to compare notes on where we stand and where we hope to go. With regard to Taiwan, I have to tell you and reiterate that we are very concerned by the PRC’s provocative military activity near Taiwan.  As we’ve said, the activity is destabilizing, it risks miscalculation, and it has the potential to undermine regional peace and stability.  So we strongly urge Beijing to cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure and coercion directed at Taiwan.  We have – the United States has – a commitment to Taiwan that is rock solid and, over many years, has contributed to the maintenance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and within the region.  And we will continue to stand with friends, with allies to advance shared prosperity, shared security, shared values, as well as continue to deepen our ties with a democratic Taiwan. MODERATOR:  We have to close the press conference there, and I thank you all very much for your questions.  Thank you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.

白宫 新闻秘书办公室 华盛顿特区 2020年3月11日 唐纳德·特朗普(DONALD J. TRUMP)总统采取前所未有步骤应对冠状病毒和保护美国人健康安全  “我们正在共同确立政策，采用一个预防、发现、治疗和研发疫苗应对冠状病毒的方案，在美国和世界拯救生命。美国会做到！”——唐纳德·特朗普总统 对来自受影响地区的旅行限制：唐纳德·特朗普总统正在采取进一步行动，遏止冠状病毒从其他国家向美国传播 O《移民和国籍法》212(f)款仅适用于人员流动，不涉及商品或货物。 关照美国企业和雇员：唐纳德·特朗普总统致力于保护美国企业和雇员不受冠状病毒影响。 O 这些借贷将帮助克服冠状病毒造成的干扰。 O 总统吁请国会为这个项目额外增加500亿美元拨款。 O 此举将为经济增加2000多亿美元流动资金。 O总统还吁请国会采取行动，延长对雇员的这项帮助。 率领采取积极的全政府方略：特朗普总统采取了前所未有步骤，应对冠状病毒，保护美国人民健康。 O 1月，特朗普总统迅速采取行动，限制从中国前来的外国人。 O 2月，特朗普总统对最近从伊朗前来的人实行旅行限制。 O 本政府对从意大利和韩国来的所有旅客一律进行筛检。 O 涉及受影响严重地区——如意大利和韩国——的旅行警告被提升到最高级别。 O 本政府的行动将帮助准备好数以百万计的通用呼吸器，维持医护人员安全，减缓病毒传播。 O已向全国发放了100多万个检测装置，到本周末还将再运出400万个。 O 现在全国每个州的实验室都可以进行检测，商业实验室现在也在投放检测装置，因而将大大增加得到检测的可能。 O  从一开始，特朗普总统就把让公众知情作为首要事项。

Together we are putting into policy a plan to prevent, detect, treat and create a vaccine against coronavirus to save lives in America and the world. America will get it done! President Donald J. Trump RESTRICTING TRAVEL FROM IMPACTED AREAS: President Donald J. Trump is taking further action to curb the spread of the coronavirus to the United States from other countries.

以下是环境科技处所关注的一些主要主题/问题列表： 亚洲及其他地区的空气质量 管理空气质量是亚洲许多城市面临的共同挑战。许多地方正想方设法来达到清洁空气标准。比较一下下面城市当前的空气质量情况。关于各种污染物有碍健康的更多信息可从美国环境保护署（EPA）的AirNow网站获得。污染物测量因城市而异，但最常见的是臭氧（O3），可吸入的粗颗粒（PM10），细颗粒（PM2.5），一氧化碳（CO），二氧化硫（SO2）以及氮氧化物（NOx）。美国有几个城市难以达到美国EPA的空气质量标准。臭氧和PM2.5是常见的罪魁祸首。 虽然暴露在PM2.5已被确定比暴露在PM10有更严重的健康风险，但许多国家尚未规定监测PM2.5。美国EPA的24小时限值内的PM2.5标准为35微克/立方米（μg/ m3）。世界卫生组织在2005年将其PM2.5标准降低到年平均值为10微克/立方米，日平均值为25微克/立方米。 以下的链接可以查到各亚洲城市以及其他大城市的空气质量数据，其中一些城市长期存在空气污染问题。许多国家尚未针对PM2.5提出报告。请注意，一些城市提供的是每日平均值，而其他城市则提供接近实时的每小时数据。以下是一些在运动时，如何尽量减少暴露污染的提示，即使您无法访问实时数据，这些提示也很有用。 空气污染颗粒物数据 PM10 – 可吸入的粗颗粒         PM2.5 – 可吸入的细颗粒 美国大使馆北京空气质量监测仪 空气质量信息的其他资源 PM2.5对健康影响的研究 在污染的空气中运动 中国是世界上最大的能源消费国和世界上最大的二氧化碳排放国，大于美国和欧盟的总和。煤是中国能源供应的主要来源，中国的消耗量是了全球年产量的一半。然而，中国也继续在可再生能源发展方面取得长足进展。中国的风力和太阳能发电能力约为美国的两倍，并承诺到2030年所有能源供应的20％将来自可再生能源。 在可再生能源、清洁化石燃料技术、温室气体减排和清洁能源发电等领域，中国在加快实施和部署清洁能源技术中扮演关键角色。 更多相关链接： 所有链接仅供参考，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 中国有丰富的生物多样性，拥有的自然森林和湿地资源一直相当丰厚。然而，中国的快速经济发展日益加大了对有限资源的压力，这是因为国内市场和工业的出口加工都增加了资源的耗费。美国林务局（USFS），美国环境保护署（EPA）和美国鱼类和野生动物管理局（FWS）是美国政府的技术部门的一环，与中国同级别部门，就有关可持续管理这些资源进行积极交流。中国是来源不法的野生动物产品的最大目的地国，其中包括象牙，穿山甲和许多其他产品；通过改变消费者态度来减少需求，是推广反对野生动物贩运，不可或缺的一步。 更多相关链接： 所有链接仅供参考，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 在与美国疾病预防控制中心（CDC），国家卫生研究院（NIH）和美国国际开发署（USAID）的协调下，北京大使馆的环境、科技与卫生处（ESTH）与卫生和人力资源专员密切合作，与中国共同努力改善公共卫生，并解决地方区域传染病问题如流感，艾滋病毒/艾滋病和其他新型传染病。美国疾病预防控制中心的全球艾滋病计划（GAP）官员与他们在中国疾病控制中心的同级别部门，合作进行与传染病相关的生物医学研究。在禽流感暴发地区，美国疾病预防控制中心，美国对外农业服务局，和美国动植物卫生检验局（APHIS）与中国当局密切合作，处理人体健康和动物健康方面的问题。 更多相关链接： 所有链接仅供参考，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 中国正雄心勃勃的扩张核电，计划建设40至60千兆瓦的发电能力，目前在建设和规划阶段中的核电厂有22个。中国目前是全球核电发电量的第四大国，但预计到2032年将超过美国，作为世界上拥有最多核电量的国家。为了实现其目标，中国将在2020年之前每年启动四到五个新反应堆。到2040年之间的全球核电增长量，中国预计将占的一半以上。 美国和中国依据两项协议进行核项目合作：1985年签署的和平利用核能协定（PUNE），该协定涵盖核电和燃料循环领域的合作和技术转让，以及于1998年由美国能源部（DOE）和中国国家发展和改革委员会的前身—国家计划委员会，所签署的和平利用核技术合作（PUNT），这项协定则更广泛地涉及核技术、出口管制、核与放射安全和安保，和放射性废物管理等方面的合作。 美国能源信息管理局：世界核统计 能源部：美国中国能源合作 所有链接仅供参考，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 根据美国环境保护署（EPA）和中国国家环境保护局（SEPA） – 亦即现在的环境保护部（MEP）在2003年所签订的谅解备忘录，建立了一个合作框架，来预防和管理空气和水污染、危险废物、持久性有机污染物（POPs）和其他有毒物质（如汞）造成的污染。 中国污染水平的上升与其快速的经济增长相吻合。中国长期以来认为空气污染是一个严重的问题。使馆的环境、科技与卫生处（EHTS）协助促进美国环境保护署、美国能源部（DOE）和美国国家海洋和大气管理局（NOAA）与中国境内同级别机构在空气污染问题的各个层面的合作。 更多相关链接： 所有链接仅供参考，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。 中国面临着严重的水源危机，许多城市长期经历着水资源短缺，大部分地区也出现了严重的水质问题。超过60％的地表水被认为不适合与人体接触，而40％的地下水无法安全饮用。极端天气和快速的城市发展都在增加供水压力与洪水的威胁。 按目前的消费速度，中国对水资源的需求将在2030年（2030年水资源集团 Water Resource Group）超过供应。北方省份（占中国人口三分之一和最大农业生产地）的地下水源已几乎被抽干。因此政府建立了一个价值790亿美元的“南北水资源转移”项目，每年从中国南方的长江将水往北导引。现在北京自来水的70％来自南方。 2016年底，中国国家发展和改革委员会公布了水利效率目标，消费上限，都市分层定价以及农业和工业配额。缺水可能会扼制中国的经济，影响采矿，能源炼制，制造业和农业部门。 更多相关链接： 所有链接仅供参考，并不一定反映美国政府的意见和看法。

Below is a list of the key Topics/Issues that the Embassy’s Environment, Science, Technology and Health (ESTH) Section follows: Managing air quality is a common challenge shared by many cities in Asia.  Many are struggling to meet clean air standards. Compare current air quality conditions at the cities below. More information on the health impacts of various pollutants is available from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency at AirNow.  Pollutants measured vary from city to city, but the most common are ozone (O3), inhalable coarse particles (PM10), fine particles (PM2.5), carbon monoxide (CO), sulfur dioxide (SO2), and nitrogen oxides (NOx).   Several U.S. cities have difficulty achieving compliance with U.S. EPA Air Quality Standards. Ozone and PM2.5 are common culprits. Although PM2.5 exposure has been identified as a more serious health risk than PM10, many countries have not yet mandated PM2.5 monitoring.  The US EPA’s PM2.5 standard for 24-hour limits is 35 micrograms per cubic meter (µg/m3).   The World Health Organization lowered its PM2.5 guidelines in 2005 to an annual mean of 10 µg/cubic meter and a daily mean of 25 µg/m3. Below are links to air quality data for particulates in various Asian cities, as well as other large cities, some with histories of air pollution issues.  Many countries do not yet report PM2.5. Notice that some cities provide daily averages, while others provide near-real time hourly data.  Here are some tips on minimizing pollution exposure while exercising, which are useful even if you don’t have access to real time data. Particulate Air Pollution Data PM10  – inhalable coarse particles     PM2.5 – inhalable fine particles U.S. Embassy Beijing Air Quality Monitor    Other resources for air quality information  Studies on health effects of PM2.5  Exercising in Polluted Air  China is the world’s largest energy consumer and the world’s largest emitter of CO2, greater than that of the US and EU combined. It consumes half the world’s annual production of coal which accounts for the majority of its energy supply. However, China continues to make great strides in renewable energy development. China has approximately twice the wind and solar capacity of the US and has committed to sourcing 20% of the country’s energy consumption from renewable energy by 2030. China is a critical player in initiatives to accelerate the implementation and deployment of clean energy technologies in areas such as renewable energy, cleaner fossil fuel technologies, greenhouse gas reductions and cleaner power generation. More Related Links: All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government. China is rich in biodiversity and historically has had a natural abundance of forest and wetlands resources.  However, China’s rapid economic development has placed pressure on increasingly limited resources, due to greater consumption by the domestic market, as well as for use by industries in processing goods for export.   The United States Forest Service (USFS), United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) are among the many U.S. technical agencies who have taken part in active exchanges with Chinese government counterparts related to sustainable management of these resources.  China is the largest destination country for illegally sourced wildlife products, including elephant ivory, pangolins, and many other products, and demand reduction by changing consumer attitudes is an integral part of the anti-wildlife trafficking campaign. More Related Links: All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government. Embassy Beijing’s ESTH section works closely with the Health and Human Services Attaché in coordination with the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), National Institutes of Health (NIH), and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to work with China in its to improve public health and address local regional infectious diseases such as influenza,  HIV/AIDS and other emerging infectious diseases.  The U.S. CDC Global AIDS Program (GAP) officers work collaboratively with their China CDC counterparts in infectious disease-related biomedical research.  In the Avian Influenza (Bird Flu) area, the U.S. CDC, U.S. Foreign Agricultural Service, and U.S. Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) work closely with Chinese authorities on both the human health and animal health aspects of the issue. More Related Links: All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government. China is in the midst of an ambitious nuclear power expansion, intent on building 40 to 60 gigawatts of electrical generation capacity and currently has 22 nuclear power plants under various phases of construction and planning. China is currently fourth in the world in terms of electricity generated by nuclear power but is projected to surpass the U.S. by 2032, as the country with the most nuclear power capacity in the world. To make its goal, China will have to start four to five new reactors a year through 2020. China is expected to account for more than half of the world’s growth in nuclear power through 2040. The United States and China cooperate on nuclear projects under the umbrella of two agreements: The Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy (PUNE) agreement, signed in 1985, which covers cooperation and technology transfers in the nuclear power and fuel cycle areas, and Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Technology (PUNT), signed in 1998 by the United States Department of Energy and China’s National Development and Reform Commission’s predecessor, the State Planning Commission, that more broadly covers cooperation in nuclear technology and export control, nuclear and radiological safety and security, and radioactive waste management. U.S. Energy Information Administration: World Nuclear Statistics Department of Energy: U.S. China Energy Collaboration All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government. Under the 2003 Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and China’s State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA)—now Ministry of Environmental Protection (MEP), a framework was created for collaboration in the prevention and management of air and water pollution, hazardous waste, pollution from persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and other toxic substances such as mercury. The rise in pollution levels in China coincides with its rapid economic growth.  China has long recognized air pollution as a serious problem.  The ESTH section helps facilitate collaboration between the EPA, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), and the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) with counterpart agencies within China on different aspects of the air pollution issue. More Related Links: All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government. China is facing a major water crisis, with many cities experiencing chronic water shortages, and most areas of the country having significant water quality problems.  More than 60% of surface water is deemed unfit for human contact, while 40% of groundwater is unsafe to drink. Extreme weather events and rapid urban development both strain water supplies and increase the threat of floods. At current rates of consumption, China’s demand for water resources will overtake its supply by 2030 (2030 Water Resource Group). Already, the Northern provinces—which hold one-third of China’s population and its top agricultural producers—have critically drawn down their groundwater reserves. In response, the government built a $79 billion South-North Water Transfer Project to divert water per year from the Yangtze River in southern China to the north. Now 70% of Beijing’s tap water comes from the south. In late 2016, the Chinese National Development and Reform Commission announced water efficiency targets, consumption caps, tiered pricing for urban areas, and quotas for agriculture and industry. Water shortages would stifle China’s economy—affecting the mining, energy refining, manufacturing, and agricultural sectors. More Related Links: All links are for informational purposes and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the U.S. government.

2021年1月14 美国东部标准时间 上午11:42 迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 美国以及所有守法的国家在维持一个自由开放的南中国海上有着共同的深远利益。无论军事与经济实力大小，所有国家都应自由享有反映在1982年《海洋法公约》中的国际法下所保障的权利与自由，而不必害怕受到胁迫。 今天，美国采取新的行动，来捍卫这些权利与自由。根据美国《移民与国籍法》第 212(a)(3)(C)条，美国国务院现对中华人民共和国的部分人士施加签证制裁，这些人士包括国有企业高管以及中国共产党和中国人民解放军（PLA）海军的官员，他们对南中国海有争议的边远岛礁的大规模填海造地、建设或军事化，或对中华人民共和国针对东南亚声索方使用胁迫，阻止他们获得南中国海的离岸资源负有责任或参与同谋。这些人士的直系亲属也可能受到这些签证限制。 此外，美国商务部已将中国海洋石油集团有限公司（CNOOC）加入实体名单，因其在中华人民共和国开展的针对南中国海价值约为2.5万亿美元油气资源的其他声索方的胁迫行动中所扮演的角色。中国共产党把中国海油以及其他国企作为武器，试图执行北京非法的“九段线”。2014年，中国海油在帕拉塞尔群岛附近使用其庞大的HD-981勘探钻井平台，试图恐吓越南。 中国海油当时的首席高管吹嘘称这个钻井平台是“流动的国土”。 北京继续派遣捕捞船队和能源勘测船，在军方护卫下，在东南亚国家提出声索的水域运作，并在其未能提出条理清晰、合法的海洋主张的地区骚扰声索国的石油和天然气开发。 2016年7月12日，一个根据1982年《海洋法公约》——中华人民共和国也是该公约的缔约国——组成的仲裁法庭做出一致裁决，驳回了中华人民共和国的南中国海海洋主张，认为其没有国际法依据。 去年7月，美国将我们就中华人民共和国南中国海海洋主张的立场与仲裁庭裁决的关键内容对齐，并再次申明我们拒绝中华人民共和国在南中国海的非法海洋主张。前所未有数量的国家在联合国对这些主张提出正式抗议，对此我们表示欢迎。 美国与寻求依照国际法以捍卫其主权权利与利益的东南亚声索国站在一起。我们将继续采取行动，直到我们看到北京停止其在南中国海的胁迫行为为止。

01/14/2021 11:42 AM EST Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State The United States and all law-abiding nations share a deep interest in the preservation of a free and open South China Sea.  All nations, regardless of military and economic power, should be free to enjoy the rights and freedoms guaranteed to them under international law, as reflected in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention, without fear of coercion. Today, the United States is taking additional actions to defend these rights and freedoms.  Pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Department of State is imposing visa restrictions on People’s Republic of China (PRC) individuals, including executives of state-owned enterprises and officials of the Chinese Communist Party and People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, responsible for, or complicit in, either the large-scale reclamation, construction, or militarization of disputed outposts in the South China Sea, or the PRC’s use of coercion against Southeast Asian claimants to inhibit their access to offshore resources in the South China Sea.  Immediate family members may be subject to these visa restrictions as well. In addition, the Department of Commerce has added China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) Limited to the Entity List in light of its role in the PRC’s campaign of coercion against other claimants of an estimated $2.5 trillion in South China Sea oil and gas resources. The Chinese Communist Party has used CNOOC and other state enterprises as weapons to attempt to enforce Beijing’s unlawful “Nine Dashed Line.” CNOOC used its mammoth survey rig HD-981 off the Paracel islands in 2014 in an attempt to intimidate Vietnam. CNOOC’s then-chief executive touted that oil rig as “mobile national territory.” Beijing continues to send fishing fleets and energy survey vessels, along with military escorts, to operate in waters claimed by Southeast Asian nations and to harass claimant state oil and gas development in areas where it has failed to put forth a coherent, lawful maritime claim. In a unanimous decision on July 12, 2016, an Arbitral Tribunal constituted under the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention – to which the PRC is a state party – rejected the PRC’s South China Sea maritime claims as having no basis in international law.  Last July, the United States aligned our position on the PRC’s maritime claims in the South China Sea with key aspects of the Tribunal’s decision and affirmed once again that we reject the PRC’s unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea.  We welcome the unprecedented number of countries that have formally protested these claims at the United Nations. The United States stands with Southeast Asian claimant states seeking to defend their sovereign rights and interests, consistent with international law.  We will continue to act until we see Beijing cease its coercive behavior in the South China Sea.

11月9日周二起美国驻华使团恢复常规签证服务 从11月9日起，美国驻华使馆、美国驻广州、上海和沈阳领馆将恢复常规签证业务。此次恢复的业务面向所有符合美国疾控中心所发布新要求（航空旅客出示COVID-19疫苗接种证明的要求|美国疾控中心）的赴美旅客。 所有持有效非移民签证的非美国公民旅客在登机飞往美国前必须全剂量接种疫苗并需出示疫苗接种证明。自11月8日起，去过受入境限制的33个国家的外国公民旅客将不再需要国家利益豁免便可以前往美国。这项新的国际旅行要求取代了此前的逐国限制，并在全球实行。 浏览更多关于最新旅行政策的信息，请访问：https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/international-travel/emergencies/covid-19-faqs-for-travel-to-the-us-information.html 请访问https://www.ustraveldocs.com 以获得更多关于如何在中国申请签证的信息。

Mission China Resumes Regular Visa Services on Tuesday, November 9 On November 9, 2021, regular visa services will resume at U.S. Embassy Beijing and the U.S. Consulates General in Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Shenyang.  This resumption of services is in accordance with U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention regulations (Requirement for Proof of COVID-19 Vaccination for Air Passengers | CDC) for all air passengers traveling to the United States. All non-citizen air travelers holding a valid nonimmigrant visa to the United States must be fully vaccinated and provide proof of vaccination status prior to boarding a flight to the United States.  There is no need as of November 8 for foreign national travelers who have been in one of the 33 countries with restrictions to obtain national interest exceptions in order to travel to the United States.  This new global travel requirement replaces previous country-by-country requirements and is applied worldwide. More information about the new travel requirements can be found at: https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/international-travel/emergencies/covid-19-faqs-for-travel-to-the-us-information.html Please visit https://www.ustraveldocs.com for information on how to apply for a visa in China.

U.S. Department of State Seal 美国国务院 发言人办公室 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区(Washington, D.C.) 2019年11月3日 简报 印度-太平洋地区透明度倡议（Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative） [摘译] 《印度-太平洋地区透明度倡议》是副总统彭斯（Vice President Pence）于2018年11月在巴布亚新几内亚举行的亚太经合组织首席执行长峰会（APEC CEO Summit）上宣布的。这项透明度倡议包括超过6亿美元的项目，自特朗普政府（Trump Administration）就职以来已获得资金。这些项目提倡公民社会、法治，以及整个地区的透明、负责的政府，作为我们对一个自由、开放的印度-太平洋地区的构想中的治理支柱的一部分。美国对良好治理的支持是美国对外政策及国家安全利益的有机部分，而且符合美国的价值观。薄弱的机制、腐败、繁琐且不透明的商务程序，以及恶劣的人权状况在太多的社会中造成私营部门投资撤离，并可能导致不良的政府决策。印度-太平洋地区的国家及区域性机构指明透明度是实现我们共同的印度-太平洋地区构想的根本，其中包括东盟（ASEAN）的《印度-太平洋地区展望》（Outlook on the Indo-Pacific）。 透明度倡议包括200多个由一系列美国政府机构创立的项目，这些机构着重于反腐败及财政透明、民主援助、年轻及崭露头角的领导人的培养、媒体及因特网自由，以及保护基本自由和人权。在2019年11月的印度-太平洋地区工商论坛（Indo-Pacific Business Forum）和东亚峰会（East Asia Summit）上，美国高兴地宣布为新项目追加提供6800万美元资金，其中包括为太平洋岛屿（Pacific Islands）和南亚（South Asia）地区设立的地区治理项目，以及为缅甸的民主选举提供的支持。我们还在积极地同澳大利亚、日本、新西兰、韩国和台湾就未来的合作机会进行协调。 我们还将宣布组建新的印度-太平洋地区透明度基金（Indo-Pacific Transparency Fund），这将由美国国务院民主、人权与劳工事务局（Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor）正式启动。这项新的多利益相关方伙伴关系倡议将支持整个印度-太平洋地区有的放矢的重点努力，其中包括提倡法治、公民空间、透明及问责的治理，以推进有关一个安全、开放、包容并基于规则的印度-太平洋地区的共同构想。这种公私伙伴关系将使志同道合的政府、私营企业、基金会及其他类型的实体或团体共同参与，支持整个印度-太平洋地区的透明且问责的治理。 *           *           *           * 美国致力于继续在整个印度-太平洋地区提倡公民社会、法治以及透明且负责的政府——这些是构建进步的基石，也是和平、安全和独立的保障。 有关详情，请联系EAP-Press@state.gov

FACT SHEET November 3, 2019 Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative The Indo Pacific Transparency Initiative was announced by Vice President Pence in November 2018 at the APEC CEO Summit in Papua New Guinea.  The Transparency Initiative encompasses more than $600 million in programs that have been funded since the beginning of the Trump Administration.  These programs promote civil society, rule of law, and transparent and accountable governments across the region as part of the governance pillar of our vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific.  U.S. support for good governance is integral to U.S. foreign policy and national security interests, and in line with U.S. values.  Weak institutions, corruption, onerous and opaque business processes, and poor human rights conditions drive away private sector investment in too many societies and can lead to poor choices by governments.  Indo-Pacific nations and regional institutions identify transparency as fundamental to the realization of our shared Indo-Pacific vision, including in ASEAN’s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. The Transparency Initiative involves over 200 programs developed by a range of U.S. government agencies focused on anticorruption and fiscal transparency, democracy assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet freedom, and protecting fundamental freedoms and human rights.  At the November 2019 Indo-Pacific Business Forum and East Asia Summit, the United States is pleased to be announcing an additional $68 million for new programs, including regional governance programs for the Pacific Islands and South Asia, and support for democratic elections in Burma.  We are also actively coordinating with Australia, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, and Taiwan on opportunities for further cooperation. We are also announcing the formation of the new Indo-Pacific Transparency Fund, which will be formally launched by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) in the U.S. Department of State.  This new multi-stakeholder partnership initiative will support targeted, priority efforts across the Indo-Pacific region, including projects that promote the rule of law, civic space, and transparent and accountable governance in the advancement of a shared vision of an Indo-Pacific that is secure, open, inclusive, and rules-based.  This public-private partnership will allow like-minded governments, private businesses, foundations, and other types of entities or associations to join together to support transparent and accountable governance across the Indo-Pacific region. As we commemorate the one-year anniversary of the announcement of the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative, we would like to recognize some of the U.S. government’s efforts to support good governance across the Indo-Pacific. Anticorruption and Fiscal Transparency:  Democracy Assistance:  Youth and Emerging Leader Development:  Media and Internet Freedom:  Fundamental Freedoms and Human Rights:  The United States is committed to continuing to promote civil society, the rule of law, and transparent and accountable governments across the Indo-Pacific region – these are the building blocks of progress and the bulwarks of peace, security, and independence. For additional information, contact EAP-Press@state.gov # # #

美国国务院 发言人办公室 2021年8月9日 线上参会 华盛顿D.C. 布林肯国务卿：在南中国海，我们看到海上船只的危险相遇以及为推进非法海事声索而采取的挑衅行动。对于以恐吓和霸凌阻挠其他国家合法获取他们海洋资源的手段，美国已清楚表明其关切。我们和其他国家，包括南中国海的声索方，抗议这样的行为以及在南中国海的非法海事声索。  五年前，根据1982年《海洋法公约》成立的仲裁庭向当事方做出全体一致并具法律约束力的裁决，之后并坚决驳回南中国海非法、扩张性的海事声索，视其为不符合国际法。美国一贯呼吁所有国家的海事声索要符合1982年《公约》中所载的国际海洋法。 这符合和平解决争端和成员国主权平等的原则，其也是《联合国宪章》所载的核心原则。通过威胁或使用武力解决海洋争端的行为是对这些原则的藐视。  有些人可能会声称，解决南中国海的争端不是美国或任何其他不是岛屿或水域声索方的国家的事。但是，捍卫我们都同意遵守的规则并和平解决海洋争端是每个成员国的事，更是它们的责任。在南中国海或任何海洋的冲突将对安全和商业造成严重的全球性后果。更重要的是，当一个国家无视这些规则却不需承担后果时，就会助长有罪不罚和不稳定在四处蔓延。 阅读英文原文请点击：https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/secretary-antony-j-blinken-at-the-united-nations-security-council-meeting-on-maintenance-of-international-peace-and-security-maritime-security/

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesperson August 9, 2021 Virtual Participation Washington, D.C. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, thank you very much, Foreign Minister Jaishankar.  It’s wonderful to be with you and please convey our thanks to Prime Minister Modi for bringing us together for this critically important discussion and for India’s leadership on these issues, especially in championing a free and open Indo-Pacific. When I last had the chance to address the Council back in May, it was to underscore the importance of defending, upholding, and revitalizing the rules-based international order grounded in the United Nations Charter.  Few issues are more crucial to that endeavor than the future of our ocean.  The ocean not only covers 70 percent of Earth and accounts for 97 percent of its water, but it is crucial to the livelihood of our people and the sustainability of our planet.  Maritime safety and security are enduring interests of all nations and are vital natural (inaudible). (Interruption.) Thank you.  Freedom of navigation and overflight and the unimpeded flow of lawful maritime commerce are also critical to the security and prosperity of nations and to global stability.  The international community has long benefited from a rules-based maritime order where international law, as reflected in the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, sets out the legal framework for all activities in the ocean and seas. But despite having a clear body of international law that we’ve all committed to abide by and uphold, despite all the ways that freedom of the seas, open waterways, and the unimpeded flow of lawful maritime commerce have delivered for nations and people around the world, and despite the indispensable role this maritime order has played in fostering economic activity, security cooperation, scientific innovation, environmental sustainability – despite all of that, the order is under serious threat. That’s why I’m grateful for India’s leadership in bringing us together today and calling on all nations to recommit to defending and strengthening the maritime rules and principles that we forged together and committed to uphold. Let me just speak, if I could, specifically to some of the critical areas where we see maritime rules and principles under threat. In the South China Sea, we have seen dangerous encounters between vessels at sea and provocative actions to advance unlawful maritime claims.  The United States has made clear its concerns regarding actions that intimidate and bully other states from lawfully accessing their maritime resources.  And we and other countries, including South China Sea claimants, have protested such behavior and unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea. Five years ago, an arbitral tribunal constituted under the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention delivered a unanimous and legally binding decision to the parties before it firmly rejecting unlawful, expansive South China Sea maritime claims as being inconsistent with international law.  The United States has consistently called for all countries to conform their maritime claims to the International Law of the Sea as reflected in the 1982 convention. This is in keeping with the peaceful resolution of disputes and the sovereign equality of member-states, which are core principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter.  Efforts to resolve maritime disputes through threat or use of force flout these principles. Some may assert that resolving the dispute in the South China Sea is not the business of the United States or any other country that is not a claimant to the islands and waters.  But it is the business and, even more, the responsibility of every member-state to defend the rules that we’ve all agreed to follow and peacefully resolve maritime disputes.  Conflict in the South China Sea or in any ocean would have serious global consequences for security and for commerce.  What’s more, when a state faces no consequences for ignoring these rules, it fuels greater impunity and instability everywhere. States are also provocatively and unlawfully advancing their interests in the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea.  On July 29th, the Mercer Street, a commercial ship that was peacefully transiting international waters in the North Arabian Sea, was attacked using explosive unmanned aerial vehicles, resulting in the death of two people.  Upon review of the available information, we are confident that Iran conducted this unjustified attack, which is part of a pattern of attacks and other provocative behavior.  These actions threaten freedom of navigation through this crucial waterway, international shipping and commerce, and the lives of people on the vessels involved. On behalf of the United States, I reiterate my condolences to the families of the victims and to the United Kingdom and Romania.  It is on all of our nations to hold accountable those responsible.  Failing to do so will only fuel their sense of impunity and embolden others inclined to disregard the maritime order. In the Black Sea, the Kerch Strait, the Sea of Azov, we see continued aggressive actions against Ukraine with dangerous incursions on the sea and in the air and the harassment of vessels, which are disrupting commerce and energy access.  We reaffirm our support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial waters.  Crimea is Ukraine. When nations ignore or purport to redraw the borders of other nations, whether by land or by sea, they undermine the sovereign equality of member-states, a guiding principle of the United Nations. Non-state actors also pose serious risk to maritime safety and security, from pirates and illicit maritime traffickers in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean, to pirates and armed robbers in the Gulf of Guinea, to drug traffickers in the Caribbean Sea and the Eastern Pacific.  Yet our collective response to these actors shows how effective we can be when we work together to defend maritime order and hold those accountable who violate it. We see that in the Africa-led Yaounde Architecture for Maritime Safety and Security, which was supported by Friends of the Gulf of Guinea, and in the Nigerian-led Deep Blue Project and Maritime Collaborative Forum.  We see it in India’s Maritime Fusion Center, which has enhanced cooperation among Indian Ocean partners, and in the widespread ratification by countries of the Caribbean Basin of the Treaty of San Jose. We see it in the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia, which has demonstrated significant success in building an effective regional response, most notably in law enforcement.  The United States led the creation of this group and we remain active in its work and in coordinating naval operations to prevent a resurgence of piracy in the area.  We’re grateful to fellow Security Council members for supporting annual resolutions to help coordinate and strengthen these efforts. We must bring the same coordinated and comprehensive responses to other threats to maritime safety and security.  This includes illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, which undermines the sustainability of fish stocks, circumvents agreed conservation and management measures, and violate the sovereign rights of coastal states, and often goes hand in hand with the use of forced labor and other illicit activities.  And it also includes responding to environmental disasters, like the cooperation between Sri Lanka, the United States, and other countries to mitigate the impact of the MV X-Press Pearl catastrophe. All of these activities require that we share information and coordinate our responses, that we help build the capacity of our maritime partners, that we engage with affected communities, industry, nongovernmental organizations, which are critically important allies in this effort. Together, our nations have spent decades building this maritime order and the broader rules-based international system that it is a part of.  We’ve done so out of a shared recognition that it benefits all our nations and all our people when governments accept certain constraints on their actions rather than living in a world where the strong do what they can and where those who are less powerful feel coerced and threatened. That’s never been more true than it is today, and that makes the collective effort to defend, to strengthen, and build upon this order more urgent than ever.  Thanks very much.

Consulate building 美国驻上海总领事馆始建于1844年，并于1980年重新开馆。现址位于淮海中路1469号一座20世纪早期建造的宅邸内。另外，领馆也在梅陇镇广场和南京西路上海商城设有办公室。 今天，上海的战略位置及其坚实的基础设施、娴熟的劳动力、众多的大学和媒体、支持商业发展的政府和外向型发展的特点赋予了其地区中心的地位。上海成为官方访问者经常到访之地，也是美国政府机构的首选地。

First established in 1844, the U.S. Consulate General in Shanghai reopened in 1980 at its present location at 1469 Huai Hai Zhong Road in an early 20th century historic building.  The Consulate General also has offices in the Westgate Mall and the Shanghai Centre on West Nanjing Road. Today, Shanghai’s strategic location, solid infrastructure, skilled workforce, university and media concentration, pro-business government, and outward orientation make it a regional center, a frequent stop for official visitors, and a prime location for U.S. Government agencies.

关于联合国人权理事会接纳威权政权 2020年10月13日 美国东部夏令时间下午04:08  迈克尔·R·蓬佩奥国务卿 2018年，唐纳德·特朗普总统将美国退出联合国人权理事会，因该理事会长久以来一贯存在的反以色列偏见，以及其成员规则允许世界上最恶劣的人权侵犯者当选为该理事会的成员。在做出该决定之前，以及在退出之后，美国已敦促联合国成员国立即采取行动，在该理事会变得无可救药之前对其进行改革。遗憾的是，这些呼声没有得到关注，而今天联合国大会再次让包括中国、俄罗斯和古巴在内的人权纪录可憎的国家入选。委内瑞拉于2019年当选。 这些选举只不过进一步证明美国退出以及利用其他渠道和机会保护并推动普世人权的决定是正确的。例如，今年九月，美国在联合国大会高级别会议周期间主办了一场具有里程碑意义的边会活动，侧重点是《世界人权宣言》的持续意义。去年，特朗普总统主办了一场有关宗教自由的具有里程碑意义的活动。 美国对人权的承诺不是只停留在口头上。通过美国国务院的行动，我们惩罚了新疆、缅甸、伊朗还有其他地方的人权侵犯者。我们的承诺在联合国的《宣言》中讲得很清楚，也清晰地体现在我们的行动记录中。美国是世界上一股良善力量，并将永远保持下去。

PRESS STATEMENT MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE OCTOBER 13, 2020 In 2018, President Donald Trump withdrew the United States from the United Nations Human Rights Council due to its well-established pattern of anti-Israel bias and membership rules that allow the election of the world’s worst human rights abusers to seats on the Council.  Prior to making this decision, and after our exit, the United States has urged UN member states to take immediate action to reform the Council before it became irreparable.  Unfortunately, those calls went unheeded, and today the UN General Assembly once again elected countries with abhorrent human rights records, including China, Russia, and Cuba. Venezuela was elected in 2019. These elections only further validate the U.S. decision to withdraw and use other venues and opportunities to protect and promote universal human rights.  For example, in September of this year the United States hosted a landmark side event during the UN General Assembly’s high-level week centered on the continuing significance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  Last year, President Trump hosted a landmark event on religious freedom. The United States’ commitment to human rights consists of far more than just words. Through the State Department’s action, we have punished human rights abusers in Xinjiang, Myanmar, Iran, and elsewhere. Our commitments are spelled out clearly in the UN’s Declaration, and in our record of action.  The United States is a force for good in the world, and always will be.